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IMPEACHMENT CHARGES BY NIGERIAN
PARLIAMENT AGAINST PRESIDENT OLUSEGUN OBASANJO, PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA, AND
THE PRESIDENT'S RESPONSES
Response to House of Representatives' Allegations
By Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR
The
Committee on Executive/Legislature Relationship
Suite
512
NICON
Hilton Hotel
Abuja.
Response of the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, toAllegations made against him by the House of Representativesto the Peoples Democratic Party
I
am happy to present my explanations to you not only because it is just
but also because I have absolute confidence in your integrity and objectivity.Your
courage, your experience, your patience, your dedication to our Party and
to our country and your understanding of our strength and weaknesses will
enable you to appreciate the responses which I now make to the questions
that have been raised.I assure you
that I am not angry with the complainants and so I shall present my points
dispassionately.From me you shall
hear nothing but the truth.All that
I have done I have done according to the law.All
that I have done I have done in the best interest of our great country.I
have not deliberately violated the law or the constitution and I have not
sought personal gain.I am not accused
of corruption or mis-use of my power.
In
a country as complex and complicated as ours no single man or woman can
have all the answers.It is for this
reason that I have always consulted widely and been open to suggestions
from all quarters.Nevertheless,
the ultimate responsibility for the governance of the country is mine and
it is I who must answer when questioned like now and before the bar of
the public.
I
thank the National Chairman of our Party and members of the National Working
Committee for living up to their responsibilities at this time.I
commend their efforts at asserting the supremacy of the Party and their
insistence on order and discipline without which the Party�s effectiveness
and influence will be grossly undermined.That
effectiveness and influence is as essential in the Legislature as it is
in the Executive.Without discipline
and respect for constituted authoritythe
nation would never have entrusted its affairs to us at this critical time.
I
regard what was forwarded to the Party by the Speaker of the House on behalf
of the PDP cacus of the House as a complaint to be explained rather than
a querry to be answered as there is no legal basis for such.
Without
too much preamble , let me go straight to the issues raised and let me
respond to them point by point.At
the end, I would like to throw more light on some aspects of executive/legislative
relationships at the Federal level which will need a change of attitude
and orientation for progress to be made.
Now
I address the issues as presented.
First
Allegation:
That
sometime between the months of April and July, 2002, the president purportedly
amended the Capital Provisions of the 2002 Appropriation Act by reducing
the Capital budget to 44% without forwarding the said amendments to the
National Assembly for passage in violation of Section 80(4) of the 1999,
constitution which acts amounts to gross misconduct.
Response
Shortly
after the 2002 Appropriation Act was passed, it became apparent that the
revenue projections which underpinned it were unrealistic. I immediately
took the initiative of inviting the leadership of the National Assembly
led by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives
to a meeting at the Presidential Villa on 4th June, 2002 to
brief them on the implications of the revenue shortfalls as well as the
judgment of the Supreme Court on the 2002 Appropriations. I also informed
them of the need to prioritize the Budget in the face of the dwindling
revenue.Subsequently, on 16th
June, 2002, I had a meeting with a delegation of nine Senators led by the
Senate President, amongst whom were the Chairmen of Senate Committees on
Appropriation and Public Accounts,during
which detailed responses were given to the charges of the Senate Public
Accounts Committee alleging non-implementation of Budgets since 1999.
Among
other things, the Senate delegation was informed that there had been a
significant shortfall in the revenue profile of the Budget, notably the
unrealised US$1.3 billion and US$1.2 billion as a result of the botched
privatization of NITEL and non-recovery, as yet,of
looted funds, respectively. At that meeting, we agreed that a Joint Executive/Legislative
Committee of twelve persons, consisting ofsix
persons from each arm, should be set up under the Chairmanship of the Vice
President to prioritize the 2002 Appropriations in the light of the changing
revenue profile.
I
immediately followed this up with a formal request to the leadership of
each Chamber of the National Assembly to present the names of their nominees
to the Joint Committee. Instead of presenting the names as previously agreed,
the leadership of the National Assembly refused to do so. I had no option
but to direct that the prioritization exercise should proceed as planned.
The National Assembly was notified of the outcome of the exercise on 10th
August, 2002 as well as my intention to send a Supplementary Bill to the
National Assembly in respect of some outstanding programmes and projects,
inadvertently omitted from the 2002 Appropriations.
I
should stress that theexercise was
limited to putting preferential order to the projects and programmes already
included and approved in the 2002 Appropriation Act, within the limits
of the resources available to implement the Budget. It neither involved
new expenditure, nor a reduction of the appropriations in the approved
Budget. The capital budget has not been reduced to 44% as a result of the
prioritization exercise, as alleged. It was therefore not necessary to
send a fresh Bill to the National Assembly for amendment of the 2002 Appropriation
Act.
If
during the course of the financial year the revenue profile improves, the
priority will only be enhanced within the already approved budget. An Approved
budget can never be regarded as sacrosanct with regard to implementation
especially in the face ofdwindling revenue. The need may often arise for
urgent additionalfunds that cannot
be covered by the contingencyvote.
An example of an institution whose needs may often be substantial and unforeseen
and yet urgent and imperative is the Independent National Electoral Commission
(INEC) and/or few on-going projects. It was for this reason that the National
Assembly was notified of the Executive�s intention to send a Supplementary
Appropriation Bill for those items inadvertently omitted from the 2002
main Appropriations or urgent new items.If
anything, my action should be hailed as prudent management of the economy.
Section
80(4) of the 1999 Constitution provides that �No moneys shall be withdrawn
from the Consolidated Revenue Fund or any other public fund of the Federation,
except in the manner prescribed by the National Assembly.� By virtue of
this provision I am not allowed to exceed the limit set by the National
Assembly inthe Appropriation Act.
However, I can, as I have done, apply limited funds to meet the needs approved
in the Appropriation Act, having regard to the national interest. The implementation
of the budget is the responsibility of the Executive and it need not consult
the National Assembly in order to determine its priorities. I am therefore
not guilty of any gross misconduct as alleged.
It
became apparent from the report of the first Committee that the judgment
had far reaching implications for the 2002 budget and the three tiers of
government. The Supreme Court, amongst other things, declared unconstitutional,
the deduction of 7.5% special funds as a first line charge on the Federation
Account with the exception of 1% allocated to derivation in the existing
Law i.e Cap 16, (as amended). Furthermore, the Court held that the 1% allocated
to derivation was inconsistent with the Constitution which provides for
payment of not less than 13% as derivation.The
Court also declared that there was no legal basis for the payment of 13%
derivation then being made to the oil producing states as the National
Assemblyhad not enacted the relevant
law giving effect to it nor the President, as the Appropriate Authority,
modified the existing law in order to bring it into conformity with the
Constitution pursuant to Section 315(2) of the constitution.
While
awaiting the Report of the Second Committee, and on the advice of the Attorney
General of the Federation, I issued the order subject of this charge dated
8th May, 2002 which, modified the existing law on revenue allocation
and brought it into conformity with the Constitution. The Order also gave
legal backing to the payment of 13% derivation to the oil-producing states
hitherto stopped.I transferred to
the Federal Government the funds and responsibility for the Federal Capital
Territory (1%), Development of the Mineral Producing Areas (3%), General
Ecological Problems (2%), Stabilisation Account 0.5% previously covered
by the Special Funds, deduction of which, as a first line charge on the
Federation Account, the Supreme Court had declared unconstitutional.It
is to be stressed that the Federal Government�s share remains 48.5% asthe7.5%
was applied by the Federal Government to the purposes for which the funds
were orginally intended.It should
be noted that even before the modification of the law these responsibilities
were discharged by the Federal Government and the funds accordingly allocated
to it.
I
took that action in absolute good faith and as necessitated by the exigencies
brought about by the volatile situation at hand and in accordance with
the Constitution.I was guided by
the Supreme Court�s judgment which stated as follows:
�Now,
sub-Section (2) of Section 315 of the Constitution provides for modification
of an existing law to bring it into conformity with the Constitution. The
sub-Section reads:
(2)The
appropriate authority may at any time by order make such modifications
in the text of any existing law as the appropriate authority considers
necessary or expedient to bring the law into conformity with the provisions
of this Constitution.
See
Att.-Gen
Ogun State v. Att.-Gen of the Federation (1982) 1-2 SC13. And the appropriate
authority in respect of Cap 16, a law of the Federation, is the President.
Thus, the President has constitutional power, by order, to modify Cap 16
either by way of addition, alteration, omission or repeal, to bring it
into conformity with the Constitution. This he has not done. At least,
our attention has not been drawn to any order made by the President modifying
Cap 16 to bring it into conformity with the 1999 Constitution.�
It
is apparent from the above that I acted within the limits of the powers
conferred upon me by the Constitution, in the best interest of the nation
and as dictated by exigencies of the time.Nevertheless,I
intend to table proposals before the National Assembly for a new revenue
allocation formula as soon as I receive the necessary advice from the Revenue
Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission.Moreover,
this has become necessary since the proposal I earlier submitted on 16th
August, 2001 tothe National Assembly
on the new revenue allocation formula for consideration had not been acted
upon before it was withdrawn as a result of the obvious implications of
the judgment of the Supreme Court on the proposal.The
House of Representatives is entitled to dispute the constitutionality of
my order.In such a situation, it
is my humble view that judicial interpretation ought to be sought rather
than raising allegation of gross misconduct.It
is a matter of interpretation of Constitutional provisions, and this lies
exclusively in the domain of the Judiciary.
(b)Expenditure
on the National Identity Card project.He
authorized the spending of the sum of N9.5 Billion vide letter of credit
as against the sum of N5.9 Billion cumulatively approved for the years
2001 and 2002 in the Appropriation Acts respectively.
(c)He
authorized the purchase of 63 houses and their furnishing for Ministers
in the years 2000 to the tune of N3,019,153,178.06
without any budgetary provisions in the 2000 Appropriations Act.
(a)The
contract for the National Stadium, Abuja was awarded on the basis that
payment to contractors was to be sequenced over three years of successive
budgetary appropriations. In the 2001 budget,N12.8
billion was appropriated for the National Stadium, out of which N8
billion has been paid leaving a positive balance of N4.8
billion.It is apparent, therefore,
that no expenditure was incurred on the National Stadium contract in excess
of appropriated sums.On the contrary,
the expenditure so far incurred is below the amount appropriated.
National
ID Card Project
(b)The
chequered history of the National ID Card project is well known.It
suffices to add that, in the past, a great amount of time and resources
was spent on the project with very little to show for it. In fact, the
National Assembly had itself inquired into this project. I believe that
its findings must be quite revealing.
The
following appropriations have, so far, been made for the project:
NBillion
FY
20006.00
FY
20014.431
FY
2002.5
The
Federal Executive Council decided to complete the National ID card project
given its enormous potential for enhancing national security amongst other
benefits. Pursuant to that decision, the Council awarded contract for the
project to SAGEM AG of France after a transparent process involving competitive
international bidding. SAGEM demanded mobilization fee in order to execute
the contract expeditiously. This was paid from the appropriated sums.I
should add that so far the sum of N9.5 billion spent on
the National ID Card project as stated by the House is less than the appropriated
sum of N11.931 billion thereby leaving a credit balance
of N2.431 billion.It
is apparent, therefore, that no excess expenditure was incurred in respect
of the National ID project as alleged.
Purchase
of Houses
(c)On
assumption of office in May, 1999, the present Administration was faced
with acute shortage of both office and residential accommodation, but especially
the latter. Members of the National Assembly were themselves victims of
this harrowing experience. Huge sums of money, by way of allowances, were
initially paid out to distinguished Senators and Honourable members of
the House in lieu of accommodation.
Similarly,
a number of Ministers, Advisers, Special Assistants and other political
office holders were initially not accommodated due to the shortage of government
owned houses. It was in the face of this situation that the Federal Executive
Council decided to provide official accommodation to several public office
holders who would otherwise have had to be paid huge allowances in lieu
of official accommodation. Consequently in 1999, the Federal Government
sought from the National Assembly an additional capital allocation for
the Ministry of Federal Capital Territory (MFCT). In response to this request,
the National Assembly approved the sum of N5.2 billion
as supplementary capital budget for the MFCT.
Of
this amount, approximately N2.8 billion was spent for
the procurement of houses and furniture for Federal public office holders.
This was well within the appropriated sum.Moreover,
it is worthy of note that the 1999 Supplementary Appropriation Act did
not specify the matters for which the appropriated funds were to be applied.
It
is not true that N3.019 Billion was expended exclusively
on the houses and furniture of ministers.The
houses were purchased for many public office-holders that require official
accommodation.
Section
218(1) of the Constitution provides that �the powers of the President
as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces include power to determine
the operational use of the Armed Forces�.Likewise,
Section 8(1) of the Armed Forces Act No. 105 of 1993 vests power in me
�to
determine the operational use of the Armed Forces. .� Subsection (3)
of this Section defines �operational use of the Armed Forces� to
include the operational use of the Armed Forces in Nigeria for the purpose
of maintaining and securing public safety and public order.I
am also empowered by Subsection (2) to issue general or special directives
to delegate responsibility for the day to day operational use of the Armed
Forces to the Chief of Defence Staff and the respective Service Chiefs.In
the exercise of these powers,I am
not required either by the Constitution orthe
Armed Forces Act No. 105 of 1993 to have recourse to the National Assembly.
This allegation is, with due respect, totally misconceived and the use
of the term �massacre� is particularly offensive and inciting.
In
addition, I have power under Section 217(2)(c) of the Constitution to deploy
troops in aid of civil authorities. In deciding whether or not to do so
I need not consult the National Assembly. The National Assembly is not
required to prescribe conditions for the operational use of the Armed Forces
under Section 8(1,2&3) of the Armed Forces Act No. 105 of 1993 (now
deemed to be an Act of the National Assembly).Once
I have exercised any power to deploy troops those troops are to be governed
in their conduct by conditions laid down by the National Assembly. In my
judgment I have ample powers under the existing law to act as I did.In
any event, under our Constitution both the Executive and the National Assembly
can initiate necessary bills. The necessity for troops in aid of civil
authority arises only after the Police have failed. Such situations demand
urgent and decisiveaction to maintain
law and order and save lives and property.
The
National Assembly, has neither enacted a new law nor amended the existing
law prescribing any such conditions.Similarly,
the Armed Forces Act No. 105 of 1993, which is an existing Law and deemed
to be an Act of the National Assembly within the contemplation of Section
315 of the Constitution, is what we have as guide on these conditions.
And, as the President of the nation, I am under obligation to ensure the
security and safety of lives and property of the citizenry in any part
of the nation.Undoubtedly, it was
not the intention of the framers of the Constitution that aSection
of the country that is engulfed in crisis be allowed to degenerate and
be destroyed only because the National Assembly is yet to enact an Act
prescribing conditions under which the Armed Forces would operate when
called upon to act in aid of civil authorities.And
if the National Assembly has to enact laws for each situation the affected
areas would have been completely destroyed before the Law is enacted. The
deployment of soldiers to Odi and Zaki-Biam where nineteen soldiers were
decapitated with the loss of many civilian lives was for the purpose of
assisting the Police to restore order. This was done within my constitutional
powers and in absolute good faith with the aim of containing the worsening
situation in the areas in the interest of security and to maintainlaw
and order and save lives and property.
Based
on available revenue, the budgets for 1999, 2000 and 2001 were correspondingly
implemented. In fact, in the years 1999, 2000 and 2001 there were in-built
deficit items which were not realized even though the core revenue, ie,
revenue from oil and non-oil sources, was surpassed. Total revenue fell
short of expectations as indicated in the table below:
BUDGETED
EXPENDITURE COMPARED WITH ACTUAL REVENUE 1999 - 2002
|
1999
|
2000
|
2001
|
Prorated
Jan � July, 2002
|
Total
Expenditure(budgeted)
|
344.32
|
657.10
|
919.78
|
628.51
|
Total
Revenue (Actual)
|
260.00
|
597.98
|
743.24
|
387.88
|
Implicit
Deficit
|
(84.32)
|
(59.12)
|
(176.54)
|
(240.63)
|
The
level of implementation of the budget is shown below through detailed analysis
of the components of the budget from 1999 � July, 2002.
DETAILED
ANALYSIS OF BUDGET PERFORMANCE FROM 1999 - JULY 2002
Particulars
|
1999
|
2000
|
2001
|
2002
(Jan - July)
|
||||||||
Budget
(b) |
Actual
(b) |
%
|
Budget
(b) |
Actual
(b) |
%
|
Budget
(b) |
Actual
(b) |
%
|
Total
Budget (b)
|
Actual
(7
Months)
(b) |
%
|
|
Personnel
Cost
|
179.50
|
174.28
|
97.09
|
170.20
|
218.47
|
171.95
|
251.70
|
294.94
|
144.84
|
352.31
|
209.50
|
59.46
|
Overhead
Cost
|
84.80
|
57.70
|
68.04
|
71.30
|
53.11
|
84.81
|
120.20
|
107.51
|
97.31
|
91.78
|
49.06
|
53.45
|
Domestic
Debt Servicing
|
80.00
|
90.20
|
112.75
|
100.00
|
104.16
|
104.16
|
100.00
|
132.60
|
132.60
|
134.00
|
113.69
|
84.84
|
Total
Recurrent
|
344.3
|
322.18
|
93.57
|
341.5
|
375.74
|
110.03
|
471.9
|
535.05
|
113.38
|
578.09
|
372.25
|
64.39
|
Total
Capital
|
205.29
|
109.69
|
52.40
|
355.50
|
249.05
|
70.06
|
624.01
|
413.35
|
66.24
|
499.35
|
92.45
|
18.51
|
Grand
Total
|
549.59
|
431.87
|
78.58
|
696.41
|
624.79
|
89.72
|
1095.9
|
948.4
|
91.37
|
1077.4
|
464.7
|
43.13
|
The
above table shows, that during the period January 1999 - July 2002, while
recurrent expenditure was fully implemented, except for overhead in 2002,
the capital expenditure could not be fully implemented. In 1999, the capital
budget was 52.40% implemented, while in 2000, it was 70.06% implemented.However,
in 2001, it was 66.24% implemented while in year 2002, capital budget implementation
was only 18.51% of total budget as at 31st July, 2002.This
low performance is due to the low revenue realised during the first seven
months of the year.Revenue shortfall
in the first seven months of the year 2002 occurred in both oil and non-oil
revenue.In the case of oil revenue,
it was due to the cut in our OPEC quota while in the case of non-oil revenue,
it was due to theyet unrealised
revenue and unrealistic revenuecontained
in the Appropriation Act. The full details of revenue shortfall, as it
affects the 2002 budget, is as shown below.
Revenue
Performance for Budget 2002 as at 16th August, 2002
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(b)
|
(b)
|
(b)
|
i.
|
Oil
Revenue
|
767.0887
|
705.8875
|
?61.2012
|
ii.
|
Looted
Funds
|
104.2225
|
29.1900
|
?75.0325
|
iii.
|
Proceeds
from Privatization
|
116.6667
|
19.6975
|
?96.9692
|
iv.
|
Others
|
|
|
|
|
·Open
Acreage Allocation
|
19.2500
|
-
|
?19.25
|
|
·FGN
Share of Acreage
|
14.3750
|
-
|
?14.375
|
|
·Balance
from Dormant Account
|
5.8333
|
-
|
?5.8333
|
|
·Grants
from World Bank
|
3.2669
|
-
|
?3.2669
|
|
Total
|
1,030.7031
|
754.7660
|
-275.9371
|
The
fiscal 2002 budget was predicated on a production quota of 2.1 million
barrels a day as against the current production of 1.788 million barrels
a day. While it is true that the international price of crude oil has averaged
US$25.00 per barrel as against US$ 18.00 per barrel on which the 2002 budget
was based, the average price of the basket of the different grades of oil
sold by Nigeria in the international market has hovered around US$20.68.
This, coupled with the reduced production quota, has inevitably led to
a significant shortfall in oil revenue.
Recurrent
budget has always been regarded as a first charge on the Consolidated Revenue
Fund.In particular, all established
personnel costs are fully paid in respect of civil servants, bothat
home and abroad. The only occasion when there was a delay in the payment
of salaries was in July 2002 when the Federation Account Allocation Committee
could not reach agreement in time due to the fall out from the Supreme
Court judgment.Presently, salaries
of all staff of Federal Ministries and Agencies have been paid up to the
end of August, except a few cases involving staff in the Field Offices
of a few Federal Ministries and Agencies whose salaries have been delayed
due to some administrative lapses. The staggered release of budgetary appropriations
for overheads was an expedient measure taken in the face of the revenue
shortfalls earlier described, and in order to make enough funds available
for the payment of staff salaries to be effected as a matter of priority.
Even under normal conditions, it may be expedient, for reasons of macro-economic
stability, to adopt measures to ensure the good management of the economy.
This action, taken in good faith and in the overall public interest cannot
be described as gross misconduct.
Response
Prior
to the judgment of the Supreme Court on the On-Shore / Off-Shore suit,
recurrent expenditure of the Judiciary had always been a first line charge
on the Federation Account.However,
the Supreme Court declared this practice unconstitutional on the ground
that recurrent expenditure of the Judiciary is a charge on the Consolidated
Revenue Fund.Eventually, from the
provisions earlier made before the said judgment, the sum of N10.566
billion was paid directly to the National Judicial Council between April
and July, 2002 for disbursement to the heads of the relevant courts.The
Judiciary, which has since expressed full satisfaction with this arrangement
and on the sufficiency of the funds allocated, has not complained to me
over any shortfall in its recurrent expenditure.It
is surprising, therefore, that the House of Representatives has made this
allegation going so far as to describe it as a gross misconduct on my part.
There is no factual basis for this allegation which, I sincerely hope,
was not meant to cause disaffection and to incite the Judiciary.
Eighth
Allegation
(a)On
or about the 31st day of October 2001, the office of the Accountant-General
of the Federation issued two separate letters mandating the Governor, Central
Bank of Nigeria, Abuja to debit CBN/NCC USD Account No.400938294 with Chase
Manhattan Bank, New York in the sum of US$40 million (Forty million United
States of America Dollars) and N16,015,500,000.00
(Sixteen billion, Fifty-one million, Five hundred thousand Naira) without
enabling legislation by the National Assembly.
(b)
On or about the 31st day of October 2001, the office of the
Accountant-General of the Federation by the aforesaid letters mandated
the Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria Plc. Lagos Account No.3582059979001
with Standard Chartered Bank N.Y., 7, World Trade Center in the sum of
US$40 million (Forty million United States of America Dollars) and First
Bank of Nigeria Plc. Account No.40000701-35 with Central Bank of Nigeria
(CBN), Lagos in the sum of N16,051,500,000.00
(Sixteen billion, Fifty-one million, Five hundred thousand Naira) without
an enabling legislation by the National Assembly.
There
was no Act of the National Assembly authorising the withdrawal of the US$185
million from the proceeds of the GSM licence auction.
The
mandate letters of the Accountant-General of the Federation prescribed
the manner of disbursement from the CBN/NCC Account without any enabling
Law by the National Assembly.
The
President, in authorising the withdrawal of US$185 million, has usurped
the powers of the National Assembly and violated the 1999 Constitution.
The
President has similarly violated the principles of transparency and accountability
provided for by S.162 of the 1999 Constitution in dealing with and managing
the Federation Account. For instance, at what rate of exchange was 16,051,500,000.00
(Sixteen billion, fifty-one million, five hundred thousand naira) paid
out of the CBN/NCC Account?
Attention
should also be drawn to the fact that whereas the National Assembly has
constitutional power to authorize expenditure predicated on the Consolidated
Revenue Fund (CRF), it does not exercise control over drawings from the
Federation Account which is solely controlled by Federation Account Allocation
Committee.The membership of the
Committee comprises Commissioners of Finance from all the States of the
Federation, Accountants-General of all the States of the Federation, Accountant-General
of the Federation, Representatives of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN),
the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) with
the Minister of State for Finance as its Chairman. The FAAC was informed
about the loan and its approval duly sought.Repayment
of the loan to the Federation Account will be effected after NITEL�s privatization.
If NITEL had not been able to participate in the GSM bidding process the
value of NITEL would have been greatly reduced.
The
foreign Account in question from which the payment was authorized, belongs
to the Federation Account. It is the account into which all payments accruing
to the Federation Account in foreign currency are made before monetization
of same in Naira by the Central bank of Nigeria (CBN). Thus the Federation
Account is always rendered or reported in Naira, our country�s legal tender.
Ninth
Allegation
That
in spite of the coming into force of the 1999 Constitution, he continued
to operate and maintain dedicated accounts in the Central Bank of Nigeria
contrary to Section 80(1) and 162(1) of the Constitution. E.g. Bank for
International Settlement Account and Proceeds for Port Development charges
Account among others.
(a)That
since inception of this Government in 1999 Mr. President refused, failed
and or neglected to appoint a Minister of Petroleum Resources contrary
to the Petroleum Act cap 350, laws of the Federation as amended by the
Petroleum (Amendment) Act of 1996 and Petroleum (Amendment) Act No. 22
of 1998 and thereby authorising the performance of or performing yourself
the functions of the Minister of Petroleum Resources.
(b)That
in breach of Section 9(1) d III laws of the Federation 1990 appointed the
Committee which has increased the prices of petroleum products which function
is that of a Minister of Petroleum Resources under the said Act, which
Act constitutes a gross misconduct.
(c)That
a process of establishing refineries through bidding was established and
provisional licences were issued without the approval of the Minister of
Petroleum as required by 3(1) of the Petroleum Act which action amounts
to gross misconduct.
In
the same vein, Section 147(1) of the Constitution makes provision for such
offices of Ministers of the Government of the Federation as may be established
by the President. This clearly gives me the discretion over which office
of Minister to establish.The Constitution
does not specify the Ministries which I have to establish or the powers
which I may delegate to Ministers.
It
is therefore within my constitutional powers to choose not to establish
the office of the Minister of Petroleum Resources and directly exercise
executive control over petroleum matters.It
is immaterial that the office of Minister of Petroleum Resources is provided
for in the Petroleum Act as the provisions of the Constitution take precedence
over that of an existing law in the event of a conflict.
The
same applies to the allegations in items 11 (a)-(c).However,
suffice it to add that, a Bill for the establishment of an Autonomous Petroleum
Products Pricing Regulatory Agency, referred to in Item 11 (b) of the charge,
was forwarded by me to the National Assembly as far back as 21st
March 2001.More than nineteen months
after the presentation of the Bill, it is yet to be considered by the National
Assembly.
FourteenthAllegation
That
Mr. President has, without an enabling Act merged the Nigerian Bank for
Commerce and Industry (NBCI), the National Economic Reconstruction Fund
(NERFUND) and the Nigerian Industrial Development Bank to form the Bank
of Industry while the Acts establishing the said institutions are still
valid and subsisting.
Response
It
is not true that the Peoples� Bank of Nigeria, Family Economic Advancement
Programme and the Nigerian Agricultural and Co-operative Bank have been
merged to form the Nigeria Agricultural and Rural Development Bank (NARDB).These
institutions are still in place as the Laws establishing them have not
been repealed.However, due to financial
constraints arising from poor management and wrong policies, most of them
have not been active.In order to
reduce operational costs and redundancy, when NARDB wasbeing
incorporated,it was decided to second
most of the staff to assist in its effective operation.If
a decision is eventually taken by Government to dissolve any of the institutions,
appropriate Bills will be forwarded to the National Assembly to seek for
the repeal of the relevant laws.However,
with regard to the Family Economic Advancement Programme, some of its staff
were also seconded to the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP).
NAPEP is not conceived as a permanent organisation or institution but as
an adhoc instrument for accelerating poverty alleviation and reduction.
Sixteenth
Allegation.
That
in the year 1999, Mr. President appointed Mr. Musiliu Smith as Inspector-General
of Police without consultation with the Police Council, contrary to the
1999 Constitution.
Seventeenth
Allegation
That
Mr. President caused the appointment of, and Service as Acting Auditor-General
of the Federation for a period exceeding six months without Resolution
of the Senate contrary to Section 86(3) of the 1999 Constitution which
act Amounts to gross misconduct.
In
the absence of a Senate confirmation of Mr. Ajiboye as Auditor-General
or the sanction of a resolution of the Senate extending the acting appointment
of Mr. Ajiboye, I approved the appointment of Mr. V S C Azie, the second
most senior Director in the Department, as the Acting Auditor-General for
the Federation for a period of six (6) months with effect from 13th
August, 2002. It is, therefore, not true that Mr. J O Ajiboye served for
more than six months as Acting Auditor-General for the Federation.
Democracy
is a process in which stakeholders have to humbly and respectfully learn,
a journey rather than a destination.Democracy
works only when the stakeholders work within their jurisdiction and cooperatively
with others within their own jurisdiction.
By
our Constitution the Party must have a say in who and who is in what jurisdiction.
The Party must have oversight responsibility for the performance of its
members within each jurisdiction and must remain engaged and responsive.In
this regard there must be laid down rules of operation by the Party for
its members within each jurisdiction and there must be a code of conduct
that is strictlyenforced.
The
vision, ideals, mission and manifesto of the Party must be clear and unambiguious
and must guide the actions and programmes of all stakeholders in the interest
of the Party and the nation.
With
the explanation and the few general comments I once again thank you and
I am ready to answer any questions that you may still have for me.
Olusegun
Obasanjo