Urhobo
Historical Society
FILE NO. C.S.O. 26/26770
OLOMU CLAN, WARRI DIVISION
WRITTEN BY
LT. COMMANDER,
OLOMU CLAN - JULY 1931
INTRODUCTION
This
report
is an assessment report confined to the intelligence aspect of the Olomu Clan of the Sobo
Sub-Tribe
of the
In
the main
aspect of their social organisation, laws and customs, the clan follows
closely
those common to other Sobo clans, thus
strengthening
the theory of their Bini origin. The clan
claims no
kingship with any other clan except by marriage ties with the Kiagbodo village group of the main clan of the
Western Ijo Sub-Tribe whose territory
bounds Olomu
clan to the Westward.
The
paucity
of ancient history is regretted. The clan evidently thrives on the old
adage
�Happy is the nation that has not history�. They have had a singularly
peaceful
expansion and a prosperous existence.
In
many ways,
the Olomu clan is of peculiar importance.
One could
not take a better instance for an average Sobo
clan
with which to form general theories or conclusions. The area is
geographically
and laterally in the centre of the Sobo
sub-tribal
territory. It commands an excellent creek outlet in the Kiagbodo
or Okpari creek. Its roads are �eartheral�
roads,
for the Sobo area. It is both in close
touch
with Warri and with the remote Sobo clans,
with Jekries and the Ijo. Its pulse probably foreshadows
eventualities quickly than
any other Sobo clan. The
clan people are of average physique,
industrious and thrifty.
The
area produces
Palm produce and farming is universally practiced throughout an area
which
offers excellent farming land. As in other Sobo
clans, the people are hidebound by unveiling Juju,
and
native law and custom. They have a strong sense of clan and family
units but
are litigious by nature regarding a court of justice in the light of a
welcome
relaxation from everyday duties.
Children
and
old people are well cared for, and the latter are treated with the
veneration
they deserve. There is a tendency for the younger generation to laugh
at old
age, but the amusement is good humoured and tolerated. The village
group
council is seen in the clan, to inspire a wholesome respect for
culture, law
and order. Clan government in such an area cannot fail to be a success.
No
particular trouble was experienced in acquiring information for the
report. The
clan realized from the beginning that results would be beneficial to
them and
the communities were ready to help in every way. The question of the
clan
Headship was the only one that gave any cause for careful thought.
Eleven days
were spent on field work and such time as was available from
The
skeletal
map was made by a compass and bicycle survey; that part of the
The
report
follows the lines laid down in the general circulars �Assessment and
Re-assessment� to the Heads and Sections used here are adapted from the
Appendix to that circular, and where considered necessary, amplified by
further
information following instructions from more recent circulars or in the
light
of any recent event{s}.
GEOGRAPHY
AREA
OF DISTRICT |
The
Olomu Clan occupies a compact area in
the South East of the |
DENSITY
OF POPULATION |
It
occupies an area of approximate total population of 7000, works out at
132 per square mile. Compared to surrounding clan, the area is fairly
thinly populated. The clan consists of fifteen villages spread ending throughout
the area; the largest which is Oviri-Olomu
with an approximate population of 1,300 and the smallest being Oforigbala with roughly 100 inhabitants. The
remaining villages range in population between these figures. The
clan area occupies that Region lying between latitudes 50:26
and 50:33 North and Longitudes 50:53 and 60
East. It is bounded on the North-South North- West by the |
PHYSICAL
FEATURES WATER
SUPPLY, RAINFALL AND CLIMATE |
The
main physical feature of the area is the The
Okpari river is an important trade
route and rises in the rainy season to about 14ft. The clan area is on
the whole family sand land, supporting successful farming and abounding
in the oil palm. The clan, in common with the surrounding clan areas is
in the Delta forest Belt, and is rich in timber indigenous to that
area. Swamp area to be found in various parts but they do not seriously
inconvenience communities. Intra-town paths link up and every village
in the town with a
comprehensive network, and roads run to all neighbouring
clan villages. All these communities are open all the year
from Okpari to Owo
and is motorable, indeed, the present Owhorode of the clan has until recently ran a
motor car regularly on it. In character, the clan presents much the
same appearance as any land in this area � patches of thick bush and
forest with clearings and farms at intervals � farming being on a five
years cycle, as in the rest of the District. For
these villages in the clan situated on or near the Okpari
river, a plentiful and fairly good water supply is assured. Villages
away from that river rely on wells, which generally prove adequate.
Cases occur of these wells drying up and the people sink the well
further until water is reached. The
water leaves much to be desired; but Is much purer than that used by
the Ewu clan. No chronic cases of guinea
worm or of other water borne diseases were noticed. Although, of
course, there must be some occasional occurrence. The
rainfall and the climate can be said to be the same as that which
prevails at other areas where observations are regularly taken.
Rainfall is heavy in the rainy season, continuing almost incessantly
from |
MINERALS |
No
minerals was found or reported in this area, which is really part of
the Niger Delta and therefore formed accumulated silt brought down by
the River Niger. |
LIST
OF VILLAGES OF OLOMU CLAN, DIVIDED INTO UHURIE
AND UDUMUGORO SECTIONS
ORIGINAL
VILLAGES HAVING QUARTERS AT OTOROLOMI
[a] UHURIE GROUP
AGBON
AKPERE
OVIRIOLOMU
OKPE
OKPAVORE
[b] UDUMUGORO
GROUP
OWOROKPOKPOR
UMOLO
OWO
OKPARI
OFFSHOOT
VILLAGES FROM THE ORIGINAL VILLAGES
[a] UHURIE GROUP
OGUNAME
FROM OKPE
OFORI
FROM OKPAVORE
[b] UDUMUGORO
GROUP
IWRE-OGONI
FROM OWO
OFOMANEFE
FROM OWO
OFOMGBALA
FROM OWO
ALOBA
FROM UMOLO
HISTORICAL
ORIGIN |
The
Olomu clan history dates back to some
four hundred years but it is scarce of incident and mainly relates to
the gradual evolution from its beginning to its present state. It is
stated that the founder or father of the clan was one ALAKA whose
father Ijezue lived at Igban. This is a general Sobo
term for the Ibo country � a part included most of the Ogwashi and Kaale
Ibos. But
it is most probable that Ijezue was of Bini origin in common with origins of all other Sobo clans. The clanshan
were uncertain as to which side of the river had the honour of claiming
Ijezue; so the original inhabitant of
the clan must remain a problem. Why
Alaka left his own clan/country is
not known, He finally settled at Otor-Orere-Olomu,
a settlement mentioned in the Ewu clan
Report, and situated near Ewu. At this
period, the Mein clan of Ijos was already
established in its present habitat on the creek system of the |
THE
FIRST SETTLEMENT |
Tradition
states that Otor-Orere-Olomu(meaning �the
first place of the town � Olomu and
generally called �Otorolomu� which name
will be used hereafter� became friendly with the town of Kiagbodo of the Mein clan, and that Alaka himself befriended one ogoro of the latter town. It is said that Ogoro was brother to Igbele
who was the �founder� of Kiagbodo and that
both were grandsons of Mein himself. This would indicate that the Mein
clan had not settled in their present habitat at this period. Later, Alaka gave three of his daughters to Ogoro as wives and finally Ogoro,
owing to this family ties, left Kiagbodo
and cast his lot with Alaka. The
old Otorolomu then consisted of two main
quarters; that of Alaka family was known
as �Uhurie; that
of Ogoro�s family as �Umugoro�. It
is asserted that Ogoro himself accompanied
his father Mein in their exodus from Ogobiri,
near Amassama to the present habitat of
the Mein clan. During the settlement of the first Otorolomu,
a preliminary exodus took place, when some of the town people left and
finally settled at Olomoro near Oleh in the present Ase
sub-district. |
THE
SECOND SETTLEMENT |
Now,
the old Otorolomu was situated in swampy
country about 2 miles South East of the present Akpere
and the people became dissatisfied with the site. The whole community
migrated in search of better land and finally settled at the new Otorolomu. Here again, the new settlement was
divided into the same two quarters of Uhurie and Umugoro;
and these in turn were sub-divided into families. A perusal of the plan
of the second Otorolomu is now recommended. This
second settlement gradually expanded and it is computed that at the
height of its prosperity, it must have covered an area of approximately
one third of a square mile. The town proved to be an unhealthy spot. Tradition
says that the people died at a comparatively early age and this,
coupled with an outbreak of smallpox that depopulated the town, finally
gave rise to the third movement, this time a disintegration of the
people and the settlement of various villages. |
THE
FIRST OUTSPREAD |
This,
then, the Owo sub-quarter migrated and
settled first at the spot where the village �Ofomaneye�
now is. This first settlement was called Oworeki.
Finally, this site was abandoned and the present Owo
was established. The Okpari family which
occupied the same sub-quarter at Otorolomu
as the Owo family also migrated and
settled at Orierokpare, near Kiagbodo. Owing to continual trouble with Kiagbodo, they left this site and finally
settled at Okpari. Similarly,
the towns of Orokpokpor, Oviri-Olomu, Akpere,
Okpavore, Ukpe
and Agbon settled in their present towns;
although, the two latter towns scarcely moved from their old
sub-quarters, both towns being but half a mile from the centre of the
clan town. |
THE
SECOND OUTSPREAD |
The
second outspread took place at a much later date mainly owing to
congestion in the settled villages. Thus, the small villages of Ofomaneye and Ofuigbalo
spread from Owo. The former village was
started in 1912, the later not more than seventy years ago. Ahaha village was founded from Umolo, Oguname from
Okpe, Iwiegori from Owo
and Ofori from Okpavore.
All the villages of the clan are now accounted for.
Strictly speaking, this would seem to show a village group
formation but there is no such recognized formation amongst the clan,
the various villages only recognizing the clan town � Otorolomu as their centre. While
at the first Otorolomu, Alaka, so says legend, brought a man and a woman
as a sacrifice to that place where Ewu now
stands. They were not killed and the pair were
the fore-runners of that Ora village which
was discovered by the Ewus on their
arrival at the spot. And with whom they threw in their lot. From
the evolution of the clan, it can be seen that the villages are roughly
divided into two groups, the Uhurie and
the Umugoro, according to which quarter of
Otorolomu their ancestors belonged.
Inter marriages has dulled this dividing line but there is still a
distinction. The list of villages with the geographical section
differentiates each one. |
MILITARY
HISTORY |
With
the unfolding of such military history as the clan, remembered several
facts link up the histories of this with other clans. While at the
first Otorolomu, a dispute arose over
ownership of land with the Ewu people,
newly established in that area. Gorilla-warfare resulted which
developed into slave-raiding expeditions. During this period, it is
related that a half Bini named Ovioro, the son of a Bini
man by a daughter of Alaka, was living at Otorolomu and some of his family were killed by
the Ewus. Ovioro
then went to Bini and complained to the Other
clan fights are related as having been with Ughelle
and Effurutor. Both these fights occurred
after the second Otorolomu had been
established and developed into slave raids on either side. The origin
of these disputes is obscure but seems to have developed from
individual or family quarrels. After the exodus from the second Otorolomu, the town of |
THE
OWHORODE |
The Olomu clan had a peculiar system of investing
the richest and most influential man in the clan with the title of �Owhorode�,
which literally means �Big Man�. He was regarded by
the whole clan as the clan Head. He It was who summoned clan meetings
and administered clan affairs. Perhaps the notion was a sound one, as
with his riches and influence, the Owhorode
could benefit the clan on inter-clan affairs and suitably entertains
the clan at home, besides being able to keep up a household and
ceremonies expected in one of his positions. The position of Owhorode was not hereditary. A glance at the
clan Genealogical Tree gives the line of Owhorodes
from the beginning until the present day. |
GENEALOGICAL
TREE |
The
genealogical Tree, appended to this section gives the origin of every
village in the Olomu clan, and its
formation shows that it is a true clan in the strict sense of the term.
Here again, can be traced those villages which are of the two distinct
quarters Uhurie and Umugoro. |
THE
ORIGIN, HISTORY AND CUSTOMS OF THE AHOMORINS
The Olomu clan in common with some other Sobo
clans, possesses its own Ahomorin
Society. Tradition relates that the Oba of Benin of that period had two
sons
who were fighting for the accession and that one of them, probably the
loser in
the fight, and named Ugbose, left
It
is said
that Ugbose brought with him many articles
used in
The
procedure for becoming an Ahomorin was
first to apply
to the Okareworo (the Head Ahomorin),
the fee for such application being a bottle of Dry Gin and Cowries to
the value
of seven shillings. The Okareworo then put
�thread�
around the initiate�s neck, as a symbol that he was entitled to wear
the red
beads. The initiate had to provide his own red beads. At this stage, he
was
merely a novice or an
He
now had
to undergo the second stage for which he is charged Igbo-Erha-gbikwe (i.e.
$1.15) and one goat. The Okareworo
then put the man to bed in his house and he was required to keep to his
house
for 14 days. At the end of that period, the Okareworo
came and washed him, taking away all the bed coverage. Then, there was
a dance
called Okworema of Benin Origin (Oiwo-Benin):Ema dance. The new member then
gave orders that the whole male of the clan be feasted at Ugbowe�s
shrine at Otorolomu. After giving an
offering of 200
yams, 24 Ekar(smoked fish) and Igbo Iwre
($3.10) to the Ahomorin, the new member
was a
full-fledged Ahomorin. The fees that he
paid accrued
to the Ahomorin.
At
the
present time, there are only two Ahomorin
in the clan
who have gone through all the stages, including the Okareworo
himself and 65 Ahomorins Itete.
The present Okareworo, Ikogo
by name, who lives at Ukpe, has his own
shrine where,
among tusks and various regalies belonging
to the
founders of that town is a replica in brass (so it is asserted) of that
death
mask carried by Ugbose. It hangs on the
back way of
the shrine. Ugbose�s shrine is in a small
house at
the second Otorolomu. It contains
imitation elephant
tusks made of wood and is attended, as sacrificial priest by the �Osuvue� � Ahomorin.
This Osivie is known as the �threader
of beads� although, he
does not carry out any such duty. He is a full Ahomorin
and would rank second to the Okareworo. At
Present,
the office is vacant. The title of ahomorin
is not
hereditary; any man with the required fees can become a member of the
society.
The Ahomorins, besides their service to Ugbose�s
shrine, do not appear to act as a secret society but merely as an
executive
body in the clan. The extent of their activities is dealt with under
the
�Administrative section�.
HISTORY
UNDER BRITISH RULE
The
first
date recorded in which the Olomu clan was
first
associated in anyway with British expansion in
The Okpari native court embraced a large area and
included the
present native court areas of Ughelle, Agbassah, Iyede, Uwerun and Ewu. From 1907 onwards the latter areas were
gradually formed into their own native court areas and were on the
territorial
rather than on the clan basis. From these beginnings, until the
establishment
of Native Administration the Native courts apart from their judicial
functions,
exercised to a great extent executive authority under the control of
the
district officer in their areas. They came to be regarded as the
intermediary
between control authority and the communities and the �warrant chiefs�
as the
true executive Heads instead of the obscure individuals they were in
many
cases. This phase of the clan history is dealt with fully under �Modern System of Government�
There
is no
record that the Olomu clan took any part
in this.
Such outbreaks were dealt with by troops of the Southern Nigeria
Regiment. From
this period until 1927, the history of the clan is without incident but
in the
later years, the Olomu clan in common with
other Sobo and Ijo
clans in the
Division joined in the general disaffection against Government over
their
declared intention to introduce taxation and over the preliminary
taxation
assessment necessary to such a scheme.
Most
of the
movement was one of passive resistance well organized along the Sobo clans and one of its manifestations was the
active
opposition to the �warrant chiefs�. native
courts,
court clerks and messengers and government institutions affecting their
every
day life.
The
trouble
became acute and the whole area was proclaimed as a disaffected area.
In the Olomu clan a patrol of 50 Police
operated. The villages of Ukpe, Agbon and Okpavore
proved to be the most truculent and were actually
ready to march to the
It
is
significant that, in the light of ancient clan organization, that
representative from every village of the clan (including all the Ototas) held a clan meeting at Otorolomu
to discuss affairs and organize a boycott of European trade. Okpari was foremost in activities directed
against trade,
and traders to factories were stopped and turned back with their
produce. The
factories themselves were threatened but no overt act was directed
against
them. Gradually, the area was restored to order and the clan became
sullenly
resigned to a future of taxation.
Gradually,
however,
the sullenness that accompanied the introduction of taxation
disappeared and all opposition died by the opening months of 1928. It
must be
recorded that this outbreak turned the searchlight on all abuses and
causes for
discontent under the old regimes, and as such, proved of some use
during ��.. ��. the works of investigation �������
into true native organization.
Under
British
rule the whole of the clan area was opened up, communications between
all clan villages established, European trading stations and mission
churches
and school started. The extent to which the clan has progressed can be
seen
under the general Head Trade and Currency�.
LAND
DISPUTES
Finally,
it
must be recorded that the Olomu clan
unlike their Ewu neighbours have not been
troubled with any large land
questions. The clan area is compact and well defined, with no clan
village
outside the area or lying in any other clan territory. Thus any
difficulties
which might have occurred through a question of clan boundaries do not
occur when
framing proposals for future clan administration. Where there was any
doubt at
all in the matter of a land dispute, the matter was invariably referred
to
Ordeal. The loser in this trial had to pay act ordeal expenses.
ANCIENT
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE CLAN
The
ancient
system of government in the Olomu lan was alike in its
essentials with surrounding Sobo clan.
Executive functions of the controlling forces
were definitely laid down and the whole system was very complete and
appears to
have worked efficiently. As in other Sobo
clans, the
executive and judicial functions of the administration of the clan were
grouped
into one �service� with no dividing line to show where one ended and
the other
began.
The
ancient
history has given the gradual evolution of the clan from its clan town
to its
present status with 15 villages scattered throughout the area but all
regarding
Otorolomu as their clan centre; where they
used to
meet to discuss clan affairs and it was in the villages and the clan
centre
that local and clan administration was carried out.
ANCIENT
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN VILLAGES
Each
of the
villages or village groups had its own complete system of government
which is
different in no way from village government in other Sobo
clans. The supreme village authority was the Village Council, presided
over by
the Okpaku-Orere or Head Okpaku
of the village. The Head Okpaku attached
to that
dignity by seniority as an Okpaku which
really
amounted to seniority in age (as will be seen when the Okpaku
is dealt with later).
The
council
itself was composed of the Head Okpaku of
the quarter
of that village and all Okpakus and any
member of the
Ahomorin society belonging to the village.
The Okpaku-Orere was assisted by his Otota,
the spokesman of the council and in the case of the larger villages by
the Akpile or assistant Otota, who
helped the Otota in his work and deputized
for him
when absent from the council.
The
council,
under the Okpaku-Orere was responsible for
seeing
that all clan orders emanating from the clan council were carried out
in their
villages. They framed local rules and issued orders for the good of
their
community, opened and closed the Palm Bush and Fishing waters belonging
to the
village and supervised the work of the �OTUS� or age grades. In their
executive
work, they were assisted by the men and women �OTUS� and other villager
�officials� which are later dealt with one by one. The judicial aspect
of the
village council�s work is dealt with under its appropriate Head.
THE
COUNCIL HOUSE
Practically,
every
village had and still has its Council meeting House in which the
council
members assembled at the instance of the Okpaku-Orere
through his Otota. The work of going
through the town
informing/warning the council members of a meeting fell to the �Awowo�, or Village/Town Crier who also
proclaimed to the
village any orders or rules framed at a council meeting. The meeting
House was
generally sufficient to house the council officials, plus a certain
number of
the villagers. No special procedure in seating was observed, but the Okpaku=-Orere was
generally in
the centre of the Bench facing the opening of the council house. His Otota usually stood up when talking. Council
Houses were
invariably built on the plan as under.
Executive
matters
relating to the whole clan were dealt with by the clan council which
always meet at the clan centre, Otorolomu.
It was composed of all the village council heads i.e
the Okpaku-Oreres, Ototas,
Okpakus and Ahomorins.
The clan
council was under the Presidency of the clan �Owhorode
or lit: big man, assisted by a clan Otota.
The title Owhorode is dealt with
elsewhere. The clan Otota or Olota-Olomu was
appointed by the clan in council; ability in debate and general
astuteness was
the qualification. The position was not hereditary and generally, the
clan Otota was an Otota
of his own
village. He was assisted in his work by the Akpile-Olomu
who was appointed by the council for the same gift as his senior. He
was
usually the Otota of his own community.
The
order of
precedence in the council is as follows:
1.
The
clan Owhorode
2.
The Okareworo
3.
Other
full Ahomorins
4.
The
5.
The Otota-Olomu
6.
The Okpakus (who are Ahomorins)
7.
The Okpakus (who are not Ahomorins)
in an advising capacity (the Ahomorin-Itete)
There
is at
present no clan council house at Otorolomu
but when
that centre was flourishing, it possessed such a house, built on
exactly the
same line as the village council house. The following plan gives an
idea of the
position in which the council sat. Its venue was invariably Otorolomu
itself.
In
addition
to their executive duties, the clan council was the final court and
court of
appeal in all clan judicial matters. This aspect of their work is later
dealt
with. The deliberations of the clan council were never conducted in
camera and
the people of the clan usually attended in large numbers outside the
council
house. As can be deduced from its composition, the council consisted of
a large
body of men and generally only a nucleus of the village group councils
actually
attended the meeting; the Head Okpakus
generally very
old and discreet being represented by their Ototas.
Decisions,
edicts
and ay new clan laws or rules were proclaimed in council by the Otota-Olomu and were disseminated among the
entire clan by
a simple and most efficient method of decentralization. The village
group Ototas in council on their return to
their village groups
acquainted his Head Okpaku of the new
measures and
the latter called a village group general meeting to acquaint them of
the
matter. This information was therefore handed down to quarter Okpakus, who in turn handed it down to the
compound head for
the information of individuals under his care. Thus there could be no
excuse
for ignorance of clan laws, rules and customs.
THE
OWHORODE
Dealing
with
the various clan officials one by one; the Owhorode
first calls for attention. The name literally means �BIG MAN�. He was
also
sometimes known as Umuvorie the �mouth of
the clan�.
The Owhorode was appointed by election at
a clan
Council meeting and as the Councillor�s views represented the opinion
of their
village groups. The appointment was really by election by the whole
clan. There
seems to have been no particular position in the clan which was
regarded as a
qualification for the honour; and the most rich
and
powerful man of his generation was usually chosen. Real ability as an
administrator, impartial judge, orator, and a commanding presence were
also
regarded as essentials in the holder of the title. The clan had plenty
of
opportunity of sizing up the qualities of individuals during the life
time of
the previous Owhorode and the people were
generally ready
to appoint their next Owhorode on the
death of the
previous holder of the title.
The
clan genealogical tree shows the lines of Owhorode
in red. From this, it would appear that the title
was hereditary but the clans people were insistent on the assurance
that this
was not so.
The position was created during a period of
Inter-clan warfare, when it was found necessary to benefit by the
services of a
rich and powerful man; who could help considerably with money and
advice and
who was known and respected by other clans. Under the first three Owhorodes, the clan developed in prosperity and
was little
troubled by aliens, clans while internal strife was a thing of the past.
The Owhorode did not possess absolute power, but
rather
constitutional power, with support and advice of the clan council.
The
genealogical tree shows that until the 8th generation, the
title
remained with the Alaka or UHURIE GROUP
and that the
father of the present holder was the son of an Alaka
man by an UDU-IMOGHORO woman. This has consolidated the power of the
present
holder to a certain extent. It is unfortunate, however, that a feud or
rather
jealousy on the part of the present Okareworo, has
existed against the Owhorode
for the past three years. The bad feeling arose in 1927 during the
anti-tax
demonstrations. Ofeje, the present Owhorode was popularly supposed to be in league
with the
government,
which was
going to grant him a sum of money to collect
tax from his town. The leader of the anti-tax movement was one Ebo, the only full Ahomorin
in
the clan besides the Okareworo. The latter
and his
followers were the first to associate themselves with the movement and
were
actually on their way to Owo to destroy Ofeje�s house there when they were intercepted
by a police
patrol. Since that date, the Okareworo and
his
adherents have been at enmity with Ofeje.
The clan
was thoroughly sounded on the question of the OWHORODESHIP, both in the
villages and at a full clan meeting. Twelve of the fiteen
clan village groups stated that Ofeje was
the Owhorode, three villages dissenting
The three villages were: �Ukpe� (the present Okareworo�s
village); �Agbon�
closely related to Ukpe and half mile from
it and �Oguname�. It is significant that Ebo,
the erstwhile ring leader against government and the Owhorode,
stated emphatically that Ofeje was
the
rightful holder of the title.
There
seems
to be little doubt that the Owhorodeship
is a long
established clan institution and that Ofeje
is the
rightful man for the title, despite the arguments put forward by the Okareworo, who claims to be head of the clan and
who also
claims that the Owhorode is made by the Okareworo after the former has been raised to
the dignity
of a full Ahomorin by the latter. The case
of Ebo gives the lie to this and no
importance is attached to
this claims. The Okareworo is however,
regarded by
the whole clan as the second head or dignity.
MALE
AGE GROUP
There
was a very definite social scaffolding on
which was built the
entire administration and economic life of the clan. Males and females
were
treated apart ad were divided into age grades �OTUS� Each �Otu�
having its own duties to perform and its own privileges.
THE
OKPAKU
The
most
senior grade was the
and
furthermore becomes the responsible authority for
a small community i.e. A domestic family, he is admitted into the
deliberations
of the council, and, ipso facto, becomes a member of the Okpaku
class. He wears no distinctive dress, badge or staff of office, and no
special
qualifications are required of him; but it must be understood that an Okpaku with a sense of responsibility, or
organization, at
character and personality is soon recognized as an important man whose
views
are accepted as against those of his more senior but less responsible
brethren.
THE
OTOTA AND AKPILE
The Otota whether of a village, group council or of
the clan is
of the Okpaku grade and is elected to the
office for
his powers of debate, and organization and his character and
personality. His
assistant, the Otota-Itele or Akpile
is also generally an Okpaku and is
similarly elected.
Athough, he is in theory only the Mouth
Piece of the Okpaku-Orere, or in the case
of the clan council, of the Owhorode yet
he is in reality a very influential man and is
generally regarded as second after the Council Head. In the absence
through
illness of the latter, it is the Otota who
generally
conducts Council matters.
THE
EVRAWA
The
next OTU
among the age grades was the Evrawa. In
ancient times
this OTU was split up into two OTUs i.e
the Otuikpokpor acted as leaders for the Evrawa
and saw that they carried out duties allotted to them. It was found
unnecessary
for two OTUS to function and these two were combined into the
Their
duties
consisted in carrying out orders given to them by the village group
council, in
manual labour for the good of the
community e.g clearing inter-village
paths, and helping to repair
shrines and public buildings. Each village group had its own Evrawa who were under the leadership of their Awotu� or
The
council
generally summoned the awotu to attend the
council
meetings to give advice and to represent the views of his otu.
The Evrawa had their own Ikor, or messengers and very
often had their own council hall. Very minor dispute among themselves
were generally settled by the Awotu. The Awowo or Town Crier was also selected from this
OTU.
THE
IKOR
The Ukor (plural Ikor)
was the
Council Messenger and Bailiff. He summoned parties to appear before the
Council, and carried out any judicial orders in Council such as
destruction of
a thief�s property, sales of goods, collection of fines etc. The clan
council
and each of the village councils had their own Ikor,
which
seldom exceeded three in number.
These
Ikor must not be confused with the Evrawa.
They were recruited from among either the junior Okpakus
or the senior Evrawa i.e
middle-aged men. The
THE
AWOWO
The Awowo or town Crier was of the
YOUNG
BOYS
Young
Boys
who had not reached the age of puberty were not banded into a definite otu, and had no regular responsibilities. They
were called
upon however, to carry out light duties in the village.
OLOTU
The
position
of Olotu is no longer filled in the Olomu clan, but in the days when inter-clan
warfare was of
common occurrence, the Olotu was appointed
by the
village council to be their leader in war. He also was the priest of
the war
juju.
THE
SOCIAL POSITION OF WOMEN
It
is
equally important to study the part that women play in the communal
life of the
clan and investigation shows that they are a force to be reckoned with
in clan
affairs, being branded together in their own otus
or
age groups. Each group is allotted its communal duties and the whole
system is
organized on exactly the same lines as that of the men. Women�s Otus embraced women of all ages between twelve
years until
death. Up to the age of twelve years, female children were not
generally called
upon to perform any duties, but as soon as they were deemed grown
enough to
carry out light duties, they become members of the Otu
Emete.
The
Out Emete numbered all girls from
approximately the age of twelve
years until they had been circumcised and led to their husbands
house. It had its own Otota. Their duties
were to
sweep the village streets and open spaces and to perform general light labour for the good of the community. On being
�led� to
their husbands� house, they attained the dignities of matrons and
automatically
passed unto the next senior Otu, the
The
The Eweya saw to it that regulations governing
farming were
strictly adhered to. They reported to the Council any damage to crops
or fences
by cows, goats or pigs and put forward to that body their suggestions
for
redress. The Council always treated this Otu
with the
greatest respect as they held a trump card in that should their
requests be
ignored, they would leave the village in a body, settle in a neighbouring village and not return until the
council came
to see reason. Imagine the state of affairs in the village, with no one
to cook
meals or to farm or to do the marketing. On top of this, the village
had to pay
to the other village which harboured the
women
compensation for the subsistence of the Eweya.
Needless
to say, it was very seldom that a council was foolhardy enough to
brave such a threat although such cases have occurred in the Olomu clan.
THE
EMETOGBE
The
last
women�s otu was that of the Emetogbe
which was composed of all women who had married into outside villages,
and an
attaining widowhood had returned to their native village. Widows who
had
married in their own village were also of this grade, but where a woman
from
another village, becoming a widow, stayed with the deceased husband�s
family
she continued to be of the Eweya. This Otu was excused practically from all duties and
generally
voiced its opinions through the Eweya.
It
is worthy
of note that among the Eweya, women who
married in
their own villages were considered unimportant and they gave way to the
women
from outside villages in matters of Otu�s
interest
and in all dealings with the council.
Reviewing
the
activities of the Otu, both male and
female it
must be recorded that each one through its Otota
was
always given a hearing in the village council and matter, peculiarly
connected
with an Otu�s duties was generally
referred to �that otu� for its opinion and
advice. Thus, the council was able
to feel the pulse of every section of the community, women as well as
men; and
the former�s importance in the general scheme was fully realized and
fully
admitted. Women were not, however, allowed to sit as members of council
or to
exert any executive or judicial power in a village.
METHOD
OF COLLECTION OF TAX
An
admirable
system of decentralization in the machinery of tax collection holds good in the Olomu
clan. On
receiving the tax demand notice from Native Administration,
Headquarters asking
for a certain tax quota to be paid by a certain date, the village
hold a council meeting to discuss the proportion of the quota
each
quarter should pay. The quarter Okpaku is made responsible for the tax of his
quarter and
he brings it to the council meeting house where the council check it
and pool
the whole of the amount finally sending it into the Headquarter by
messengers,
generally Ikor, sometimes Ikor
Evrawa and even sometimes the Otota
himself. Nominal rolls are generally corrected at the instance of the
SECRET
SOCIETIES AND JUJU SOCIETIES AFFECTING CLAN
SOCIAL LIFE
THE
AHOMORIN
Apart
from
the Ahomorin Society, the Olomu
clan does not possess any secret societies, and in reality the Ahomorins cannot be said to be a true secret
society,
although, ceremony connected with the society proper is held privately,
chiefly
because outsiders do not interest themselves in these affairs. The
origin and
history of this body has already been dealt with. It takes an important
part in
clan affairs, and all its members belong to their village group
councils and to
the clan council more in an advisory capacity than as actual executive
members.
Today, the society is composed of the Okareworo,
one
full ahomorin and sixty-four Ahomorin
Itete or initiates, the office of Osivie
being at present vacant. Of these Ahomorins-Itete,
thirty-four are also Okpakus and therefore
full
members of council, the remaining thirty being of the council but with
no
executive power as is the case with Okpakus
who are
not Ahomorins.
JUJU
SOCIETIES
With
regard
to juju societies, there are two which affect the social life of the
community
i.e. the Orise or Chalk juju and the Eveghre or Cassava juju. The former was
established some
twenty years ago in Agbor-Sobo country,
but its
centre soon shifted to Usoro in the Ase Sub-district where the Head Priest are Okonedo appointed juju Priest for the whole of
the Sobo area. The members of this juju
were practically all
women and its main work was the �smelling out� of witches. White Chalk
played a
large part in the ceremony. The juju came to be somewhat of a nuisance
and
interfered in judicial matters to a certain extent. Today, however, it
has
practically died out in Sobo country, the
one
remaining stronghold being in the Agbudu
country
where the daughter of a local court member acts as priestess. It no
longer
operates in the Olomu clan, although the Isoko people still regard it as important and Okonedo flourishes still at Usoro.
THE
EVEGHRE JUJU
The
other
juju, the Eveghre or cassava juju,
is of more recent origin. The disastrous cassava crop at the close of
the year
1928 alarmed the country side and at Effurun,
in Uvwie countr
an individual early
in 1929 announced that he had discovered a new juju for good cassava
crops. The
movement spread very rapidly and naturally very popular. Here again, as
can be
supposed, the movement was practically confined to women and itself was
confined to working for good cassava crops. Later, it developed in its
activities and included the smelling-out of witches in its repertoire.
Apart
from mild excesses due to religious sermons which have been strongly
discouraged, the juju has so far kept within bounds, but a careful
watch is
being maintained on its activities. It is still wildly popular in every
It
is
significant that both jujus have specialized in witch-craft. The
underlying
motive is a fertility cult, and the witch-smelling ensures that there
shall be
no malign influence on child birth or harvest. Since the fall in power
of the Usere lake juju, which was the
extremely powerful
witch-smelling juju at Usere in Isoko
country and which was universally recognized by the western Ijo
and Kwale Ibo sub-tribes, the people had
been left
with no method of ensuring fertility. It is suggested that these juju
are
somewhat poor substitutes and that new juju of similar origin and with
similar
aims will continually appear and as continually die away.
LIST
OF MEMBERS OF THE AHOMORIN SOCIETY
OKareworo
- Ikogo (Ukpe)
Osivie
- Vacant
Full
Ahomorin
- Ebo (Iwrogoni)
AHOMORIN-ITETE (who
are Okpakus) |
AHOMORIN-ITETE (who
are not Okpakus) |
Okorodudu -
Court member/Okari Ogbinigbi - Okpari Unufelori �Okpaku,Orere-Owo Ofeje - OwhorodeOwo Agbon - Iwregoni Adomu -
� Akpogenabo � Akpotohor � Ugbaga - Ofomgbala Emegbon - Oguname Umughelle � Akponedo � Obaro-Efeyewa � Ofomangle Erufu
- Ukpe Eruveru -
Ukpe Izeze
- Ukpe Odukuye -
Okpavore Arigbe,Okpaku-Orere � Agbon Okwovoriole,court member,Agbon Oririara
- Akpere Isoko
- � Irobo
� Efekunu
� Efioto � Jarikre
� Aloba
� Irowhoru - Umolo Oviokpokpor � Akoruvbeku -
Oworokpokpo Okofefe
- Efediame - � Ororo
- Ibeni
- Aloba Oritaegbone -
Aloba |
Okotie - Okpari Ussoba - Owo Edotie - Oforigbalo Atuduhor - Court member, Ofiri Esite -
Court member,Ukpe Etakoro -
�
� Obamyedo � � Agboro
�
� Esiovo
�
� Olokpeje
�
� Umujo
�
� Ohiria
�
� Ahoha - Ukpe Ojarikre � Amererowu � Obakolari
� Adegbe
� Akpodiete
� Efekunu
� Oboro,court- Okpavore Olafuro � - Akpere Akpovoro - Umolo Erumala -
� Olokposa Oworokpokpo Akaise - � Tabuno - Oviri-Olomu Obunyawa -
� Akpokemya - court, Oviri-Olomu Ofogo
- � � Akporehe -
�
� |
SLAVERY
� OVIEN
This
section
is included in the report as slavery was an integral part of the social
organization of the clan, with its own code of laws and customs. The
latter,
except in a few instances held good for most of the Sobo
sub-tribe. The following section on this subject is taken from the Ewu clan report of the Sobo
sub-tribe, as in all respects
the Olomu clan agrees in
this matter.
ACQUISITION
OF SLAVES
The
luxury
of owing slaves depended upon the affluences of the individual, who
obtained
them mainly by purchase, Slaves, however, entered that degraded status
from
many causes. People captured in war, if not sacrificed or killed, were
sold
into slavery or retained as a slave by the captor. It was also
recognized that
a person from another clan who could be caught away from his people
became a
slave. This system of replenishing a stock very often resulted in
inter-clan
fights.
The
other
classes of slaves i.e those of the same
clan, were
recruited from defaulting debtors and the unfortunate sons whose father
considered he had too many sons thus took an opportunity of rectifying
the
mistake and profiting peculiarly at the same time. In these cases, the
slaves
were generally sold to other clans.
Children
born
of slaves were born into slavery and owned by the parent�s master. A
slave
laboured for the good of his master at all
times but
on reaching the status of a senior slave, or of having won the master�s
confidence, they were allowed to work partly for their own advantages.
It is
asserted that in many cases a slave was richer then his own master.
]
The
will of
the master was absolute. He was entitled to flog his slaves for
delinquencies
or even to put them to death with impunity. On the whole, however,
slaves were
well treated provided they behaved themselves. Theft by a slave was
punished by
a severe flogging and if a slave becomes a nuisance, he was generally
sold to
an unsuspecting purchaser. Troublesome slaves, in imitation of the
Itsekiri
custom, were often marked by having their ears cut off, or two crosses
incised
on the chest and two on the back.
The
daughters
of slaves were generally made the wives of the master or of his sons.
Children
of slaves were known as ivbiedo. Should a
slave have
committed adultery with the female slave of another master, any
children
thereof would belong to the woman�s master. Should a slave have
committed
adultery with a free born woman, the child of the woman belonged to the
woman�s
family. In both cases the slave was not punished. A free born man who
killed
the slave of another had to compensate the latter in kind.
MANUMISSION
Slaves,
at
the caprice of the master, could buy their freedom, but the redemption
money
varied with the slave�s usefulness and state of affluence. The general
rule was
that, on redemption by himself or his family, a slave gave up all his
belongings and money to his master. Such wealth as he had amassed
during
slavery was his own contingent upon his remaining a slave. On being set
free, a
slave was required to swear juju that he was taking nothing away.
His
hair was
then shaved off, he washed in water and was then totally free, leaving
his
master with literally no belonging although, his former master might
have given
him small cloth to go away.
Although
slavery
is now a relic of the past, an individual, knowing that he comes from
slave parents and that he has not freed himself will endeavour
to clear his name by paying redemption money to his former master�s
family. This
may be as small as �20. He is then free of that stigma and also free to
marry a
free born woman; for although these days there is no bar to a marriage
with the
son of a former slave provided the dowry satisfied, yet there is still
this
stigma attached to such a name.
PAWNING
Akin
to
slavery, pawning was widely practiced among the clan. This was a
vicious system
by which a man, finding himself in dire need of money to pay a debt or
to
revive the fortunes of his house pawned his children or when in
desperate
strait, even himself, for a sum of money or property. The �pledge� then
became
virtually a slave to the �pawnbrother�,
until such time
as the pledge was redeemed by a consideration exceeding in varying
degrees, the
original consideration. Often the pledges were forgotten and became
ordinary
slaves, without hope of redemption.
Land
also,
was considered a pawnable asset, and it
was a very
common occurrence to raise money on farms and oil palms. Very often,
again,
there was no hope of redeeming the pledge, which was then the property
of the pawnbrother. Not a few land cases,
it is conjectured, have
had them beginning from such a transaction, where the pledges,
conveniently
forgetting his liability, has at some later date indignantly laid claim
to his
�land�
MODERN
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
Under
this
section, the same account of radical changes in clan government applies
to the
whole of the Sobo sub-tribe. The latter
quarter of
the 19th century saw the gradual spread of British influence
in
Jekri
territory was occupied in the eighties and gradual
operation of Sobo country, followed,
chiefly due to
the cooperation of Jekri Political Agents,
who did
much to help the spread of British influence and incidentally their
own. Olomu territory had for some time
before this felt Itsekiri
influence to a small extent, but clan administration was not influenced
or
changed in any way by this.
ADVENT
OF GOVERNMENT
The
new
administration endeavoured to bring the Sobos into their sphere but do not interfere to
any extent
with the native law and custom. The resultant complete change in
administration
was, unfortunately due mostly to the people themselves.
The
real
leaders of the clans, through mistrust of the European, kept in the
background
and while at the start, they continued to wield the power, the
representatives
put up to government as being the community heads were in most cases
men of no
standing who were selected to be the community scapegoats, as it was
thought.
Again, clever and foresighted individuals, seeing what this new system
would
lead to, put themselves up as representatives with the thoughtless but
thankful
and relieved approval of their leaders. Government could not but accept
the
situation as it was represented to them.
START
OF NATIVE COURTS
In
1900, the
system was started of planning certain stretches of territories under
the
judicial power of a native court and in that year, such a court was
established
at Agogidi
� a Jekri settlement on the Warri river
between Oma and Otokutu,
and in 1901, a
native court was established at Okpari;
until 1907,
the court has jurisdiction over Olomu, Ughelle, Agbassah, Iyede, Uwerun and Ewu areas and was directed by one Eyube,
a Jekri Political Agent and trader from Gbogidi. In 1907 and afterwards these various
areas became
native court areas on their own.
At
that
time, the district officer was the Head of the Administration and the
Native
courts soon came to be regarded as the intermediary between the
district
officer and the communities, as indeed they were. Thus an executive
authority
passed gradually from the true leaders to the members of the native
courts,
although the village councils continued to function in a very minor
way. The
court members drunk with their new found authority lost no opportunity
in
endeavouring to suppress any form of true native organization that
looked like
usurping their own authority.
In
the Olomu clan, however, many of these
court members were
themselves Okpakus and Ahomorins
and the clan soon resigned itself to the new state of affairs under the
�Government Chiefs� as they called them. The later threw off any native
titles
or offices they possessed, contenting themselves with being �warrant
chiefs�.
Therefore, true native organization became a thing of the past. Such
institutions as the clan and village councils, if they did meet, met in
secret
and were constantly hurried by the �warrant chiefs�. Rule by the elders
gave
place to village communism and the final blow to ancient native
organization
was delivered when the native authority ordinance was passed, where all
native
courts in the Sobo sub-tribe were gazetted
as native authorities for the area under their judicial control. The Olomu clan were,
however, in
better position than some of their neighbours as the Okpari
native court once practically conformed to the clan area, thus keeping
alive an
idea of clan unity.
Up
to 1927,
this system of government continued, the people became more and more
irritated
by the steady assumption of more powers, but nursing their irritation
in
secret. What happened in 1929 has already been related, but it is not
surprising that the activities and malevolence of the movement were
chiefly
directed against the warrant chief, the native courts, messengers and
scribes
and everything connected with them. This movement certainly did some
good, in
that it finally showed government the true attitude towards the native
court
system as it had developed and some of the institutions which shredded
for
reform.
Since
1927,
intensive explanatory campaigns have been undertaken to drive home to
the
people the aims of true native administration and its structure.
Village
councils
were encouraged to meet and exert their old functions, and entrusted
with the collection of their community tax quotas. This encouragement
was at
first dubiously received but was soon accepted and universally regarded
as a
change for the better. At present, all the village councils are
completely
organized and are in complete running order. The clan council, is ready
to act
as such, the Otus are fully organized,
male and
female. This quick change shows that the old system was a very hardy
plant,
which the years 1901-1907 were unable to kill totally. The system of
decentralization from clan council downwards is in full working order.
In
short, the whole of the clan machinery is oiled and ready. It merely
requires
starting.
EFFICIENCY
OF COURT MEMBERS AND HOW APPOINTED
It
has
already been pointed out that in many cases the �warrant chiefs� was
not the
rightful head of the community he represented, and very often not even
a
responsible member of the council. In some cases, they were put up as
council
nominees to act as the village scapegoat in case of trouble. They soon
learnt
the policy of serving what they understand to be the stronger of the
combatants
i.e. the government.
They
conveniently
forgot, to a certain extent some of their native laws and customs
which they thought would not be liked by the �
��Okpari native court which ���. Is at present the
�..authority consists of 12 members, 11 of
which belong to the Olomu clan. Their
history sheets at the end of the report
give an idea of their social status. With the proposals for
reconstruction, the
court members do not figure. If he has a right by native law and custom
to sit
on a village council and thus the clan council, then his name is
automatically
included by virtue of that right only. Members who have no such right
will have
to go by the board and attain to council dignity in the ordinary way.
They will
in fact, revert to their proper rung on the social ladder.
PROPOSALS
FOR THE FUTURE
The
ancient
system of government has been dealt with and shows that the clan had a
well
regulated administrative system with an admirable scheme of
decentralization.
In dealing with proposals for the future, the material already provided
is to
be used to the full in the future clan organization. Thus we have the
clan
council, with its president, members, advisers, executive officers and
junior
officials. There are also the village group councils also with their
head,
members and executive functionaries. This is the framework on which it
is
proposed to build the future administrative edifice.
THE
CLAN COUNCIL
The
clan
which is administered executively (and judicially) by the clan council
with the
Owhorode as the clan Head and president of
council
and the Okareworo as vice president. The
clan council
will be the native authority with jurisdiction over the clan. It is
proposed
that the clan council be gazetted as such
and that
its executive powers should be those as laid down by the native
authority
ordinance. The wording of the constituted native authority should be,
it is
proposed: �The Owhorode of the Olomu
clan in Clan Council�.
CONSTITUTION
The
clan
council shall consist of the village group councils of the Olomu
clan, of exactly the same councilors who are included in the clan
judicial
warrants. It is realized that this means a very large body, but it is
organized
that this should be no bar to the constitution of the council on
strictly
correct lines by native custom. Generally speaking, only a nucleus of
each
village group council would attend clan council meetings.
DUTIES
The
Payment
of all salaries all contractors in the area; collection of all
salaries of contractors in the area, collection of all native
administration
revenue in the area, including all judiciary revenue and its monthly
payment
into central native administration funds.
VENUE
The
Clan
Council will meet at the Council Hall which is proposed to be built at
the
position marked on the sketch map, as chosen by twelve village groups
for the
reasons discussed latter, but this should be no bar to a meeting being
convened
at any village group or place in the clan area, should the occasion
arise. The
question of the building is discussed later.
THE
VILLAGE GROUP COUNCIL
The
Village
Group Council, as listed in the clan warrant (appendice)
shall
be as it is proposed, the executive authority having jurisdiction over their own village group area only. Their duties
would be the
carrying out and enforcement of clan rules and orders, the proper
rendition of
their nominal rolls and payment of their tax quotas to the clan council
where
and when ordered by them and the maintenance of law and order. Any
matters of
native administration interest should be ventilated through them to the
clan
council.
SALARIES
All
salaries
proposed are included in the clan estimates of expenditure. The Owhorode and the Okareworo
are
the only salaried individuals while the village group councils�
salaries are
based on 10% of the gross tax collected for the area, not as an
appreciation of
their endeavours in collection of tax but
as a
definite lump sum payment to the council for their total executive. To
bring
home realization of this, it is proposed that all executive salaries be
paid
monthly.
THE
SUGGESTED ROUTINE IS AS FOLLOWS
At
the month
end, the Clan Council having collected all revenue including judicial
revenue
sends the accredited Council Senior Ukor
(officer)
with the money and explanatory schedules and supporting vouchers to
Native
Administration Headquarters which then entrusts to the Ukor
the total monthly expenditure for the area i.e. Executive salaries, all
judicial salaries, pay for the clan road labourers
and employees, together with the supporting vouchers. The Ukor
also takes back with him receipts for the revenue collected and he
hands to the
clan council the expenditure money. The clan council then pays all clan
officials and employees, sending back the vouchers duly receipted. This
system
places rightful power in the hands of the body fully entitled to wield
it and
discourages any notion of superiority of any clan employee.
Checking
of all
accounts would be carried out periodically by an Administrative officer
with
the council, all at clan centre with regard to the site on which it is
proposed
to build the clan council hall, it was asserted at a clan meeting that
although
Otorolomu was their clan town, it is now
important
only as being the site of Ugbose�s shrine
and that
clan meetings were always held in the Owhorode�s
village. This rule, they say now impracticable, and twelve of the
village
groups desired that the meeting hall should be built at the point
marked on the
sketch map. They say that, apart from Otorolomu
only
being important as Ugbose�s shrine, they
scattered
from that town because of its unhealthiness and the alarming death-rate
that
occurred there, and that they certainly would not like to have to go
there
often, probably staying over-night for each meeting.
Three
towns,
those that upheld the Okareworo as Clan
Head, favour Otorolomu
for it is
proposed, therefore, to fall in with the wishes at the cross roads of
the Umolo-Akpere and Umole-Ukpe
roads. The ground is high, and the site is central for the clan. It is
proposed, for the present at any rate, for this hall to serve both for
the
Native authority and clan judicial council. The estimates allow for
this. In
every case, the village group councils already have their own meeting
houses,
which it is proposed to keep in a state of
repair for
them.
The
judicial
council scribe shall, it is proposed, be at the disposal of the clan
council
for any office work, writing or financial work required by them. As has
been
laid down later, this scribe will, of course, be of the Olomu
clan himself. The clan council will have two Ikor
at
their disposal, to act as messengers and at the council�s orders, in
addition,
to two Ikor for judicial duties. It should
be at the
clan council�s discretion whether the duties would be made
inter-changeable.
COST
OF PROPOSED ADMINISTRATION AND TOTAL REVENUE
FROM ALL SOURCES:
HEAD |
ITEM |
DETAILS
OF REVENUE |
ESTIMATES |
I |
|
General
Tax 50% |
1.5.0.-243 |
II III |
1 2 |
Clan
Native Village
Court Native
Council fines Native
Council fees |
50� 200-- |
|
1 |
Other
Records Miscellaneous |
0 |
IV |
1 |
Market
rents Interest
on fixed dposit (clan
share) Total
Revenue |
28� 13� 544� |
V |
|
Spend,�from
Warri Native Admin Revenue
for first year |
98.5 642.5m |
COMMENTARY
1 HEAD II
: The
figures for fees and fines for the Okpari
Native
Court were in the year 1929-30 �217.6r and �41.15r respectively.
The estimated figures are very
conservative as it is expected that
the clan and village councils will prove more popular than the Okpari Native court.
2 HEAD IV
: Item
I � the markets rents are those
collected
from
stallholders in the Okpari market where
permanent
native administrator stalls have been erected
3 HEAD V
: Item
1 � This is the clan share (one
twelfth) of
the
total
interest on native administrative fixed deposit i.e
$160 per annum.
4.
The
special grants of �98.5 will only be required for the first year of
clan
organization. The expenditure under Head x capital works of �124 is an
offset
against this.
COMMENTARY
ON EXPENDITURE
HEAD
II ITEM I:
The
proposed
salary of the Ohworode represented 5.3%
and the Ikor 10%. This including the 10%
gross tax to the village
group council. The total percentage for salaries is 22.3% where items
are
included as clan share, one twelfth of the each total in the approved
estimates
for 1930-31 has been allowed for as being a fair discussion among the
clans of
the Sobo sub-tribe, the Mein clan of the
western Ijo sub-clan and that part of the Jekri
sub-tribe within the Warri Division.
HEAD
IX ITEMS 1 & 2
These
estimates
are also roughly one twelfth of the total expenditure
Authorised in
the estimates but they are earmarked for the Olomu
clan only. The
total Revenue for 1929-30 for the Okpari
Native Court
was �40. The approximate expenditure on items is again divided up into
one
twelfth, except where the Olomu area has
definitely
incurred expenditure under Head III, VIII item 3 and Head IX item 1.
HEAD
V � JUDICIAL
In
common
with all Sobo clans and indeed with the
western Ijo, Isoko
and Kwale � Ibo sub-tribes as well, the
ancient judicial and
administrative
systems were organized
as one administration and there was no dividing line between the two
functions.
This judicial authority was in the hands of the clan and judicial
councils. The
primary judicial tribunal was the village group council which dispensed
justice
to the community which they regulated and theoretically, in a dispute
between
people of different village groups, where the defendant belonged to
that
village group. Their powers, were however, limited to less serious
breaches of
native law, but they generally dealt with all civil cases of local
origin;
where a serious crime had been committed in a community, the village
group
council thoroughly investigated the case and sent the matter to the
clan, where
the council members informed them of the results of their
investigation, gave
their view thereon and supplied any local knowledge and previous
history
relevant to the case.
Cases
of
murder, manslaughter, robbery, serious theft and arson were always sent
to the
clan council for trial. It is difficult to lay down any hard and fast
rule as
to where the powers of the village group council ended or where those
of the clan
council began. It generally rested with the Village Group Council to
decide
whether any matter was too serious for them to deal with. The
composition of
these Councils, their officers and Executive procedure has already been
set
down.
Apart
from
these bodies, no other body in the clan was given any judicial power
with the
exception of the Evrawa and the
JUDICIAL
PROCEDURE
In
civil
cases, both parties to a case brought the hearing fees to the council.
These
fees usually consisted of Palm Wine to the rough value of �2, which was
consumed by the members of the council, on the result of the case; the
losing
party had to refund to the successful party the hearing fees set down
by him.
In criminal cases, the Complainant brought the hearing fee. If the
Accused was
adjudged guilty he had to refund this hearing fee to the complaint.
In
civil
matters, the Plaintiff first stated his case, and his witnesses gave
testimony.
In criminal matters, the complainant first laid charge before the
council. If
the accused pleaded guilty to it, the council then and there pronounced
judgment sentence. If a plea of not guilty was proffered, the
complainant then
proceeded to prove his charge, backed by any witnesses he had, the
defendant
being heard afterwards. It is now proposed to deal with the division of
crime
and civil matters separately.
MURDER
Cases
of
murder were always decided by the clan Council held at Otorolomu.
The evidence was collected, exhaustively from all sources, and if found
guilty
of murder, he was sentenced by the Owhorode-Okareworo
touching the condemned man on the head with a bini
sword. The death sentence was carried out by the council Ikor,
who saw that the man was properly hanged at the hanging tree in the old
Otorolomu.
The
murdered
man�s family also saw to it that the crime was expiated. The murderer�s
body
was then dealt with in the same way as the murdered man was killed by
the
latter�s brother or other man�s relation. The body of the murderer was
then
given to his family for burial in Egborahor
(i.e. bad
bush) with women who had died in childbirth and persons who had died of
loath
(some bad diseases). This family had to pay Igbo-lare
(�3.10) in cowries and a goat to the town of the murdered man or to the
council; and to the murdered man�s family a further compensation of
Igbo-Erho (�1.10). This payment was known
as Odohorije
i.e �money to stop fight�.
The
hanging
was generally slow suffocating as the man was given no drop.
Parricide
and
Matricide were both regarded as murder, and dealt with accordingly but
the
murder of a son or daughter was not so regarded and was not punished as
the
loss was to the man and his family only. However, if the wife�s family
pressed,
the father of the child had to pay them compensation of generally Igbuje. On the other hand, murder of an infant
was regarded
as murder. Murder by a madman was punished by hanging and the madman�s
family�s
property was destroyed as a punishment for not chaining or killing such
a
danger to the town. Occasionally, this was averted by the payment of
Igbo-uje (�10) to the murdered person�s
family. Again, the
killing of another during unfair fight was regarded as murder.
TWIN
MURDER
In
the Olomu clan, in the case of the birth
of twins, one only was
killed. This was not regarded as a crime but was an accepted custom.
Thereafter
for 7 days, the family kept to their compound and 3 months after the
birth. The
house and compound were purified with the prescribed ceremonies.
WIFE
MURDER
Wife
murder
was punished by death. The murderer was refunded one half the dowry he
paid on
his wife by the latter�s family. He was then hanged.
ATTEMPTED
MURDER
Attepted
murder was punished by a severe flogging, the
guilty person being sold as a slave.
MANSLAUGHTER
Manslaughter
was
regarded as a crime of less gravity than murder. The killing of a man
by
accident, or by mistake was classed as manslaughter, the punishment for
which
was the levying of compensation to the dead man�s family of a man and a
woman
to belong to that family.
STEALING
The
offences
of burglary, stealing and robbery were all classed as the same offence.
The
more serious cases under the crime were dealt with by the clan council.
All
stealing cases were punished by a fine of Igbo-Ujuve
�20 of which Igbo-Ikwe - �5 was given to
the owner of
the stolen property, Igbo-erha �1.10 to the
informer
and the remainder to the Clan Council. Burglary and Robbery were
punished in
the same way. Any injury done in that act of robbery had to be
compensated for
by the robber, who had also to pay all dodors�.
fees
which may have been incurred in remedies for the cuts etc. Cases of
attempting
theft, robber or burglary were punished by a fine of Igbuje
�10
ARSON
Arson
was
punished by the guilty person having to compensate for the value of the
property destroyed. The estimate for such compensation was always on a
very
generous scale.
SLANDER
Ordinary
abuse
was not regarded as a criminal matter, whether published or not but to
call another freeborn individual a slave was regarded as a serious
crime. A
fine of Igbo-Ikwe �5 was levied and
compensation of Igbuje �10 awarded.
RAPE
Generally
speaking,
rape was not regarded as an actionable offence except in the cases of
married woman and the children of tender years. Rape of an unmarried
girl who
had reached the age of puberty was not actionable but of a married
woman
resulted in a fine of Igbo-Ogban $15 and a
compensation of Igbo-Ikweyorin $7.10 to the
husband.
ABDUCTION
Abduction
of
any form, whether of a woman, boy or girl was regarded as stealing and
the fine
varied with the gravity of the offence, being from Igbuje
�10 to Igbo-Ujuve �20.
PERJURY
Perjury
was
much less common in the days when the Native Council held such a
powerful
instrument as trial by juju and ordeal. The knowledge that the
council�s could
have recourse to these methods discouraged most attempts to mislead
them.
Ordinary perjury was punished by a flogging but serious perjury where
it
resulted in a grave miscarriage of justice by a very severe flogging
and a fine
of Igbo-Iyorin �2.10. These floggings were
severe
punishments. In addition to this, the perjurer had to pay all the
expenses of
the case and compensate the other party with one white goat, one white
chicken
and Igbo-Iwre. It is asserted that where a
clan�s man
was summoned by another clan to give false evidence on their behalf
against his
own clan man, the latter sentenced him to death when they caught him.
He was
hanged by his own shamed family.
GENERAL
It
has been
stated that all animals, when found guilty, were severely flogged and
pepper
was rubbed in their eyes, as a mere preliminary to their particular
sentence.
It can therefore be seen that crime was discouraged by having recourse
to
severe punishments.
CIVIL
MATTER
Under
this
head came all cases of debt, payment or refund of dowry, adultery, land
disputes and inheritance, minor disputes of this nature were generally
settled
by the Village Group Councils but all land disputes involving more than
one
village group were decided by the Clan Counil.
ADULTERY
Adultery,
in
the case of an unmarried girl who had reached the age of puberty, was
not
regarded as actionable. No fine or compensation was levied. Children of
such
adultery belonged equally to the father and mother. If the child were a
boy, he
lived with the father and if a girl with the mother. The girls dowry,
on her
reaching marriageable age was divided between father and mother, the
former
getting the larger share. Adultery with a girl who had not reached the
age of puberty
was treated as rape.
Adultery
with
a married woman resulted in an order for compensation of Igbuje to the husband. If the latter were of
another
village group, he was given the whole sum. If he belonged to the same
village
group, the compensation was divided among the village group council.
Adultery
with
the slave woman of another master did not entail fine or compensation.
The
child of such union became the property of the master, but the natural
father
could purchase his child. The values were roughly Igbuje
�10 for a male child and Ighe-ogba �15 for
a female
child. Should a male slave commit adultery with a female slave of
another
master, no compensation or fine resulted. The master of the female
slave
becomes the owner of any child of such union. Should a male slave
commit
adultery with a free born woman, not the wife of his master, no
compensation or fine was levied. Any child of such union belonged to
the free
born mother.
INCEST
Incest
appears
to have been practically an unknown crime, and no precedent could be
given for its punishment or otherwise.
DEFAMATION
Defamation
of
character was generally punished by a fine of Igbuje.
Compensation
to the injured party was awarded out of this fine.
COURT
PROCEDURE, ENFORCEMENT OF JUDGMENT:
JUJU
AND ORDEAL
Where
judgment
had been given for compensation and for a fine to be paid, the
judgment debtor remained under surveillance until his family produced
the
amount in full. Failure to pay the debt or fine resulted in the selling
into
slavery of the defaulter or one of his family,
the
proceeds de-fraying compensation to the injured party and the remainder
accruing to the town people. During the interval between deliverance of
judgment and its satisfaction, the criminal or debtor was very often
chained by
the feet and kept under the eyes of the Ikor.
But
another system of satisfying judgment was for the debtor to pledge
himself or
his son or brother during the interval allowed for judgment. Failure to
pay in
the allotted time resulted in the selling of the pledge into slavery.
APPEALS
Appeals
lay
from the Village Group Councils to the clan Council, whose decision was
final.
Appeals
lie
at the Appeal Court at Warri. This court is most unpopular with the Olomu clan, indeed with the Sobo
sub-tribe as a whole. The people feel that through the predominance of
the Jekri Sub-tribe, their laws and
customs are ignored, and
those of the Jekris acted upon. It will be
proposed
that this Appeal Court shall not have jurisdiction over the Olomu
clan, or even the Sobo-Sub-tribe.
OATHS
Witnesses
were
sworn on juju at the instance of the complainant or defendant only.
Otherwise, testimony was given unsworn. The juju used would be one
agreed upon
by both parties to the case.
ORDEAL
Where
a
grave doubt lay in the mind of the court as to the veracity of a
witness, where
the issue involved was of a serious nature and it was found difficult
to give a
decision, recourse was had to ordeal. The party on whom the onus of
proof lay,
or whose testimony was doubted had to undergo one of the ordeals set
forth
below:
[a] The
lobe of the ear was rubbed with medicine and a needle was thrust
through it, If
the needle penetrated easily, the victim was adjudged to have
vindicated
himself.
[b] The man had to pick cowries
out of a pot of boiling water. If he sustained no burns, he
successfully passed
the ordeal.
[c] The feather quill of a
species of water-bird was thrust through the tongue. He as in (a) easy
penetration passed the ordeal
[d] In cases of witchcraft, the
accused witch was either taken to the Eni or Usere lake
juju, where the
proven witch was drowned or had to undergo
trial by
sass-wood, where the guilty person died by poison.
From
the
above system, it can be seen that through the threat of juju swearing
and trial
by ordeal hanging as a threat over them, litigants were persuaded that
it was
wiser to tell the truth, and it is asserted that perjury was very much
the
exceptions rather than the rule. This contrasts very forcibly against
the
widespread perjury that obtains nowadays in the Native Courts.
SUMMONING
WITNESSES: ETC
Councils
were
conveyed at the instance of the Council Otota,
previous
instructed by the Head Okpaku. Through the
medium of the Awowo, the Ikor
secured the attendance of principal parties in a case, but the
attendance of
witnesses was the responsibility of the principal party whose witnesses
they
were. Refusal of a witness to attend and give evidence on behalf of a
principal
did not result in forced attendance thus in many cases a witness had to
be
given presents to induce him to testify to his knowledge of a dispute.
COWRY
�CURRENCY
In
this
section, fines have in most cases been computed from the old cowry
transactions
that obtained before standard currency was introduced. The table set
and below
gives the meanings and present day values of the amounts in cowries:
Amount
in cowries |
Literal
meaning |
Meaning
in English |
Equivalent |
Igbo |
|
Handful
or bag of Cowries |
�.10 |
Igbire |
Igbo-ive |
The
handfuls of Cowries |
�1 |
Igbiyirin |
Igbo-Iyorin |
Two
handful of Cowries |
�2.10 |
Igbuje |
Igho-Uje |
Twenty
handful of Cowries |
�10 |
Igbujiwe |
Igho-Ujuve |
Forty
handful of Cowries |
�20.0 |
Gboikwe |
|
Half
bag of Cowries |
�10.50 |
Igbiyorin-Gbikwe |
Igho-Iyorin-Gbikwe |
Five
and half bags |
�2.15 |
MODERN
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
Up
to the
year 1900, European influence had not extended to the Olomu
clan to any extent, but with the establishment of the Native Court at Gbogidi in that year, and later at Okpari
in 1901, a new judicial system came into being. All judicial powers
previously
exercised by the clan and Village Group Councils were transferred to
the Native
Court. The members of which although in theory the real judicial Heads
or
nominees of the judicial Heads of the community were in many cases
obscure
individuals, who were willing to take the risk under the new control,
as they
had little to lose and all to gain. From 1901 until 1914, the Native
Court sat
with the District officer as Permanent President and in his absence at
the
court members acted for him. Thus began the office of �Vice President�
and in
his absence one of the court members acted for him. In 1914, the Native
Court
Ordinance was introduced, which crystallized the working of the Native
Court
system. The Native Authority Ordinance finally by gazetting these Native Courts as Native
Authorities for
their judicial and executively. The District officer ceased to
sit as
President, although the term �Vice President survived.
HISTORY
The Okpari Native Council formed in 1901 was opened
by
CONSTITUTION
The Okpari Native Court is of �C� grade and has 12
members on
its panel, one of whom presented the Jeremi
town of
POPULARITY
It
has been
seen that the unrest in 1927 showed the measure of unpopularity enjoyed
by the
Native courts, and the reasons for this unpopularity. At the same time
it must
be remembered that while the system was never popular with the
generation which
was old enough to compare it with the former native organization, yet
it has
enjoyed a measure of popularity with the younger generation, who were
brought
up to the new system. The professional litigant and witness thrive on
the
system, a fact which condemns it.
THE
COURT MEMBERS
The
history
sheets of the court members are to be found at the end of the report.
It will
be seen that 7 of the 11 court members are by Native custom full
members of
their Village Group Councils and therefore of the Clan Council. The
remaining 4
being Ahomorins are demi-members
and
actually listed in the Clan Warrant. These men will have to revert
gracefully to their true position in the clan and attain to Councillors
rank by the ordinary accepted path. As a whole, these members are above
the
average set of Native court members, in intelligence and a conception
of their
duties and the Okpari Native court has
not, usually
been regarded as a troublesome or useless one. The fate of the present
native
court is dealt with in the succeeding sections.
PROPOSALS
FOR THE FUTURE
We
have seen
under section 1 of this report that the Olomu
clan
possessed a proper judicial system, with a species of criminal and
civil code.
The Councils that wielded the executive power also dispensed justice.
It is
therefore proposed to use these Councils in framing proposals for
future
judicial administration and this gives us the clan and the Village
Group
Councils with which to work.
THE
VILLAGE GROUP COUNCILS
It
IS
PROPOSED THAT THE Village Group Councils as listed in the clan court
Warrant
shall be given powers of:
[a] An
examining Magistrate i.e to investigate
preliminary
cases which would actually be heard and decided in the Clan Court.
[b] To hear and decide minor
cases of Pilfering, assault, slander, and all matrimonial cases; cases
of
adultery and debts etc Confined to the Village Group.
It
is proposed that the hearing fees shall be �4 in
all cases, �2 of which reverts to Native Administration revenue and �2
to the
Village Council.
It
is further proposed that no proper scribes or
uninformed court messenger be used by these tribunals. Their own
uniformed Ikor should suffice for the
latter, and where a record is
desired for a council decision, the clan court scribe will note it in a
record
book devoted solely to Village Council decisions at the instance of the
Council
Otota.
It
is proposed that all village Group Councils
shall be given abridged �D� grade powers i.e. to try criminal cases
which can
be adequately punished by imprisonment for one month or a fine of �5 or
both,
and in civil matters, with the exception of land disputes, all action
in which
the debt demanded or damages do not exceed �25.
PROCEDURE
In
the case
of imprisonment, the sentence should be made out by warrant at the clan
courts
and countersigned by the President or vice President. In the case of a
fine,
the Otota or Senior Ukor
of
the Village Group should conduct the individual to the clan court to
pay his
fine. In the case of an order for compensation for payment of debt,
damages or
dowry by a certain time, the clan court should similarly be informed,
the
scribe entering the order in village council matters. No notes of
evidence of
any of these cases shall be taken. The scribe will also have a cash
book
devoted solely to village council monetary transactions.
AUTHORITY
The
whole of
the village Group Council are included in the clan warrant and their
powers are
also included. They are treated as a junior branch of the clan court
and not as
separate courts, not withstanding their power under warrant.
APPEALS
ETC
Where
a case
brought before a village group council perplexes them, the council can
always
commit the case to the clan court. Cases of a more serious nature, and
beyond
their jurisdiction should be similarly treated after they, if they wish
have
conducted a preliminary investigation into the matter as a help to the
clan
court.
All
appeals
from the Village Group Councils lie at the clan court. In all these
cases, the
village group council would be expected to give its views and local
knowledge
on a case through the medium of its Otota;
where
parties to a case come from different village groups, jurisdiction as a
general
rule would lie with the village group council of the defendant. In case
of
dispute as to venue, the clan court would deal with it. All
inter-village group
land cases will be taken by the clan council. Seldom does the situation
arise
where two parties of the same village group dispute over land. The clan
court
would also always adjudicate here, taking the expert advice of the
village
group council concerned.
THE
CLAN COURT
The
clan
court, it is proposed shall consist of exactly the same body as that
which
comprises the clan council. The Owhorode
and the Okareworo shall be president and
vice president of the
court respectively and their executive salaries cover both their
executive and
judicial work. In addition, they receive their share of their own
village group
council salaries for judicial and executive work. The village group
councils
comprising the clan council receive their executive and judicial
salaries from
the 10% gross tax for the former, and a similar amount for the latter.
It has
been found that the old sitting fees nearly always approximate the 10%
of the
gross tax for the area and this seems a fair way, therefore, paying
village
group councils of varying sizes and responsibility. The method of
payment has
been outlined earlier.
CONSTITUTION
As
has been
said before, the clan judicial council is a large body consisting of no
fewer
than 18 members, but only a nucleus of this members would attend
council
meetings and as constitution is strictly in accordance with native
custom, it
is proposed to leave it as it is. In any case with a
such
a representative body on the council, any decision or punishments
should be at
least, well thought out and probably very fair.
JURISDICTION
It
is
proposed that the clan judicial council be constituted as a �C� grade
court,
but with unlimited powers to hear land cases where both parties are of
the
clan. It should have jurisdiction over the Olomu
clan
and in a case where the parties are of different clans, it would,
generally
speaking, be competent to determine such where the defendant was of the
Olomu clan. For the present it is proposed
that appeals
from the clan court only lies with the district officer. The Warri
appeal court
will have no jurisdiction whatsoever in the Olomu
clan.
CLAN
COURT STAFF
A
scribe
will be at the disposal of the clan court and he should be a member of
the
clan. This scribe will carry out native court clerical duties under the
orders
of the clan council. He will assist in clerical work on the executive
side when
required. There will be, in addition to two Ikor
for
the executive council, two more Ikor
attached to the
judicial council. These Ikor should also
be of the
clan and will be appointed preferably from among the Senior Ikor
of the village group councils. The salaries laid down for the staff
allow for a
junior clerk and place him and the messengers in their true junior
perspective.
As has been stated earlier, their salaries will be paid to them by the
clan
executive council.
COURT
BUILDING
The
proposed
clan executive council hall is proposed to be also as the clan court.
The
situation is central and away from any particular village group
, although close to Umolo. It is
not proposed
to build court messengers sides or clerk�s house, thus eliminating any
idea of
barracks. These employees will have to find their own quarters in Umolo. A small link up will have to be built and
one Ukor will have to be on duty every
night at the council
hall. Later, if it is found necessary for Councillors
whose villages are some distance away, a �guest house� can be erected
on the
site also.
UNIFORM
Whether
the Ikor are to continue wearing uniform
or not is a moot
question. It is obvious that they must have some badge of authority.
The old
established Native Administrations in
COST
OF PROPOSED JUDICIAL SYSTEM
REVENUE
The total revenue for the clan from oil
sources is set down.
EXPENDITURE
Item |
Details
of Expenditure |
Estimates |
1 |
President
Clan Court (The Owhorode) |
Salary
Unit Head |
2 |
The
Vice President of Clan Court |
� |
3 |
Judicial
salaries to village group councils( an equal amount to the 10% of gross
tax received) |
�48.10 |
4 |
The
court scribe at �30.6 |
�30.10 |
5 |
One
Senior Ukor at �15, one Ukor at �12 |
�27.0 |
6 |
Uniform
for 4 Ikor(including 2 council Ikor) |
�12.0 |
7 |
Remission
of fees and fines |
�5.0 |
8 |
Maintenance
and transport of witnesses |
�3.0 |
|
Total
Judicial |
�125.0 |
Reaching
these
estimates in conjunction with those under �Cost of proposed
administration�, the following figures show the relation between total
revenue
and expenditure:
Total
revenue (including special grant) = �6425.0
Cost
of proposed administration
= � 517.5
Cost
of proposed judicial system
= � 125.0
Total
expenditure
= � 642.5
COMMENTARY
ON JUDICIAL EXPENDITURE
The
proposed
salaries of the President and Vice President of clan court are
inclusive ones
for all duties, with regard to the judicial salaries for village group
councils; it is found that the advocated system of payment of a sum
equal to
the 10% gross tax corresponds approximately to payment on the old
sitting fees
system. With such a large judicial council, the latter system would be
impossible.
The proposed young Olomu court scribe will
replace
the present Native Court scribe, thus removing another link with the
old
�barrack Native Court regime�
COMPARISON
WITH EXISTING SYSTEM
REVENUE
Although
the
estimates for court fees and fines have been kept on the conservative
side, yet
it is thought that with greater popularity of the new judicial system
such
revenue will be increased. The total revenue from fees and fines for
1929 � 30
was �259. The estimates give a total figure of �250.
EXPENDITURE
The
existing
system gives the following figures of expenditure for 1929 � 30:
Item
3 Sitting
fees
� 55.00
Item
4 Clerks
salary (court share)
� 47.00
Item
5 Court
Messengers salaries
�107.00
Item
6 Uniforms
for court Messengers
� 9.102
Item
7 Remission
of fees and fines
0.00
Item
8 Maintenance
and Transport of witnesses
0.00
Total
�218.152
Against
this,
the total cost of the proposed system is �145.
TRADE
AND CURRENCY
MARKETS
There
is no
very large market in the clan area of anything approaching of the size
of the kakpamre market, but there are two
medium sized markets in Okpari and Okpavore and two small
ones at Umolo and Agbon.
The
area is surrounded by large markets, to which the clan goes for trading
purposes; thus rendering unnecessary a very large market for the clan.
These
outside markets are at kakpamre, Jeremi,
Uwerun, Owe and Kiagbodo.
The
Okpari market has semi-permanent sheds
built by
the Warri Native Administration and a rent of it per month is charged
for the
occupation of each shed.
The
revenue
on market rents for the market was �9.12 for the year 1929 � 30. The
sheds were
erected in December 1929. These sheds comprising 48 stalls in all are
occupied.
The space at disposal affords no room for expansion but there has been
no
desire for further building so far, neither has the other clan markets
asked
for similar buildings.
GOODS
SOLD
The
goods
sold in the market consist of native food stuffs and commodities and
articles
previously bought in bulk at European factories. A comparative list of
goods
offered for sale, with their approximate prices is appended to this
section. It
is asserted that dried monkeys are offered for sale in these markets,
although
the writer has never seen such a �luxury�.
BARTER
Practically
all
transactions in the market are of the cash variety, but there is one
exception where Ijo people expose for sale
crayfish,
dried prawns and dried fish. They are ready to exchange these for
farina and
starch, commodities difficult to obtain in their own country. Very
often, these
Ijo people will conduct such barter on a
large scale
and take the starch and farina to their own people to sell to them at a
handsome profit.
TRADE
ROUTES AND OLUME OF TRADE
The
main
trade route is the
VISITING
TRADERS
The
Hausa,
Yoruba, Ijo, and Ibo are to be seen in the
clan area
plying their particular trades, and these people, with the exception of
the
Ibo, pass through the area on prolonged trading tours. The Hausa is to
be seen
any day with a roll of native cloth on his head, and Hausa-made
trinkets lfor women. He does not generally
install himself for long
in a market, but seems to derive a satisfactory livelihood from his
line in
trading. The Yoruba favours trading in
European made
goods and is inclined more to stay in market centres.
Two
Yorubas are more or less permanent stall
holders
in the Okpari market. The Ijos
trade in fish, but confines himself to canoe traffic. The Ibo
represented by
the Awka blacksmith will establish himself
on the
main street of a village, plying his craft in a crude shelter, and
selling from
there. He will always send assistants to surrounding markets to expose
his
wares for sale.
EUROPEAN
FIRMS
Until
the
end of April 1930, there were three branches of European firms in the Olomu area, all on the
Messrs
Le
Bars (West African) Limited applied and have been granted provisional
immediate
occupation for sites for �factories� at Otuedo
a
little way up the Kakpamre creek, and at Umolo waterside. As a reply to this, Messrs the
United
African Company have applied for sites also at those two places, both
sites adjoining
those at the above mentioned firm. Messrs John Holt and Company have as yet ��.. evinced
or
announced ��� no activity in this direction. Thus, there will be no
less than
seven European firms stretched along the waterside from Otuedo
to Umolo. Whether the area warrants such
faith
remains to be seen.
METHODS
OF TRADING
Trading
in
this area is practically all in the hands of middlemen, who attend the
local
markets and buy oil and kernels in small lots and finally offer the
accumulated
of those lots for sale to the factories. It is difficult to see how
this system
can be avoided. It appears to the small retailer as saving them the
journey to
the factory and also in a certain measure to the firms who thus deal
with fewer
and more influential customers and yet to know their idiosyncrasies the
better.
PRICES
FOR PRODUCE AND ARTICLES SOLD
The
prices
paid for the main products i.e. palm oil and palm kernels, fluctuate
largely
but the trend has of late been due to depression, the average prices
obtaining
at present being �11.15 per ton for palm oils and �7.76 per ton for
palm
kernels against an average of �23 per ton and �13.10 per ton
respectively for
these products 3 years ago.
The
Principal Articles sold in the factolries
are
Clothes, Tobacco, Gari, Salt, Hard
Biscuits, Hardware
and Manufacturers articles of attire in cotton and silk. Print clothes
� cotton
� sell at from �6 to �12 per six yards. Silk