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THE URHOBO, THE ISOKO, AND THE ITSEKIRI By Samuel U. Erivwo, Ph.D. |
C.M.S. ADMINSITRATION AND MINISTRATION 1914-1934[1] |
Reproduced in Urhobo Waado By Permission of Professor Samuel Erivwo |
By 1914, Christianity was permeating Urhoboland. The work was still
fluid and infirm. The tasks of consolidation in the period before us
still lay ahead. The period witnessed a major upheaval, resulting
from an attempt to impose form and proper structure on the formless,
haphazard pioneering work of Bishop Johnson’s agents. The
conflict which later resulted might have been avoided if
Aitken’s suggestion to the Niger Mission Executive Committee
that the Urhobo-Isoko areas be constituted into a single district[2]
had been fully accepted and implemented. But as it happened, only
the Isoko section was constituted into a district, leaving the
Urhobo congregations in the lurch. Consequently these congregations
continued to be administered by Bishop Johnson’s agents,
ill-equipped as they were. The converts had continually to look up
for leadership to Warri and Sapele, the major centres of Niger Delta
Pastorate Administration in the area.
The relationship between Warri and Sapele in the Niger Delta
Pastorate set up was, however, not clearly defined. It was not
clear, for instance, whether Warri was the centre, and Sapele a
sub-centre, or vice versa; or whether the two were standing at par
in importance. But when Warri applied for a resident pastor in 1914,
she stated in her letter of application the jurisdiction of the
Vicar to-be would embrace Sapele, “the Christian Church at
Forcados: “the prospective Church at Burutu”, and the
outstation churches,[3]
fifteen of which were by 1914 affiliated to Warri, and the same
number to Sapele.[4]
The relationship between Warri and the outstations and that between
Sapele and affiliated outstations, were also not clearly spelt out.
Nor was there any indication given in the constitution of the
Diocese of West Equatorial Africa (by which the Niger Delta
Pastorate was governed[5]) of what the relation between mother and outstation churches
should be. In the absence of any laid down policy, what relationship
existed emerged from the situation. Thus in practice, the
outstations to Warri and to Sapele looked up to these centres for
spiritual leadership. In that kind of situation, the initiative of
men on the spot, like Omatsola, (as we shall see) counted much. It
was their attitude and initiative which dictated the decisions of
higher authorities like Bishop Tugwell. Thus it was the de facto
motherly status already assumed by Warri and Sapele, even if forced
upon them by men like Omatsola, that was to give rise to Bishop
Tugwell’s suggestion that “local committees should be
formed (in the outstations) of which the agent in charge at Sapele
or Warri should be for raising and disbursing of moneys, rendering a
quarterly statement of account to the parent committee in Sapele or
Warri”. It was this awareness of responsibility for some, at
least, of the outstations which made Warri include “the Sobo
villages”, “Chapels around Warri” in the
jurisdiction of the expected vicar.
Warri in the Era of Rev. Cole
Between 1914 and 1920 the
Connected with this uneasy situation was the need to define what
the relationship between Warri and the outstations should be. The
Government had decided that all churches be registered like
statutory bodies, in order to enable them to own property. Warri and
Sapele churches had been so registered. The outstations connected
with Warri needed to be registered with the Government by St.
Andrew’s Church, Warri, in such a way that their satellite
relationship to Warri could be legally recognized. But this end was
not yet achieved by 1920 when Cole left on leave. Apparently, as a
consequence of the views of a section of the Urhobo people, he did
not return.[8]
Thus the era of Cole, which covered only six years, did not achieve
very much, even if he saw the need to, and did, visit the
outstations in their afflictions and persecutions, and attempted to
meet some of their spiritual needs.[9]
Like all pioneers, his difficulties were many, and a great deal
still needed to be done at the time of his departure.
Sapele
Although Sapele did not have a resident pastor till 1916, the
situation there would appear to have been somewhat better than at
Warri. There was a management committee made up among others, of A.
Omatsola, as Church Agent, G. Sunday as Hon. Secretary, and I. T.
Palmer as President. This was the governing body of Sapele Church and adjoining outstations- Amukpe, Ugharefe , Ugbomoya, Idjerhe, Abraka, Obiaroku , Uhwokori, Eku, and Ovu.
These outstations, some of which, unlike Warri, had been registered
by 1916, looked up to Sapele for spiritual leadership. Omatsola, who
since 1909, had been chiefly responsible for planting churches in
many of them had never relented his efforts at visitation and
evangelisation of the outstations, sometimes even to the detriment
of his work at Sapele, and to the discomfiture of Sunday, who on one
occasion got the Committee to restrict Omatsola’s visitations
to the outstations.
But such restriction hampered work in these stations, for as Bishop
Tugwell’s letters were to reveal, many of the agents in the
hinterland were little more than the blind leading the blind. For
example, the man at Uhwokori, Jacob Oluwole, was not even
baptised.
At the time Omatsola’s activities in the outstations were
restricted (1913-14) progress there was retarded. For example, only
Amukpe, of the outstations, sent in her assessment for October 1914
whereas prior to the restriction the outstation agents had been duty
bound to attend the Church Committee meetings at Sapele every first
Saturday of the month, and during that time paid in their assessment
for the previous month. They were also then subjected to half-yearly
examination in “
The structure of authority at Sapele had something to do with the
way
The answer to the
Apart from reaction against foreign domination, the teething
problem of monogamy was apparently a contributory factor to this
schism. The Baptist Mission had been for some time now in
Transfer to the C.M.S.
The death of Bishop Johnson on Ascension Day, 17th May, 1917 marked
a milestone in the spiritual pilgrimage of the Urhobo congregations
and affected the administration of the Urhobo Churches. For, with
the death of him who had been almost the sole architect of the NDP,
that body became defunct. In the Warri P.C.C. a motion that
“steps be taken to have this church enrolled under Lagos
Mission”[12]
was unanimously carried. This decision was communicated to
Before this time the fate of
If the occupation of the Igabo Country did not interfere with the
proposed development in Udi, district
they would gladly undertake the Igabo work from
This decision of the Niger E.C. explains, as shown later, the
transfer from Igbide of Aitken at a time when there was a crying
need for him there.
Manley’s letter endorsed an action of the Yoruba Mission in
arranging for tentative supervision of the
Koyeomokere aware epha?[17]
So we are cut off in an island?
At the Isoko end, subsequent to the creation of “Igabo
District” in 1914, Aitken was put in charge as superintendent,
with headquarters at Igbide. Although he left on furlough the same
year, the District continued steadfast in his absence. On his
return, he did not only find that the converts at Owodokpokpo were
still virile in their faith, but that their population had increased
to about a hundred and twenty in spite, and in some ways as a
result, of persecution. For the blood of the martyrs has often been
the seed of the church.[18]
Aitken himself wrote in his letter of December 1915:
“They are people who’ve turned to God from idols, and
many have progressed little further. Still, during this last year,
we have been encouraged by the discovery of definite spiritual
growth by many of the inquirers, both young men and women who are
striving to ‘be holy unto the Lord.’”[19]
Aitken complained of girls persecuted by their parents and
unconverted neighbours because of refusal “to enter into
temporary marriage relationships with men of their town”, a
custom through which the parents, especially mothers, derived
financial benefits. He also wrote of the victory of the gospel in
abolishing twin killing and saving tabooed children.[20]
There were other victories. At Uzere, according to Aitken, many
deaths had occurred from poisoning; but the situation was altered
when the chiefs
“Sent all the
professional poisoners to church that they might ‘learn to
love and not to poison
other people’; and these men now attend
the services of their own
accord and have given up their old profession.”[21]
The
The 5,000 Igabo converts
and inquirers…without any resident European
Movement towards
Christianity which is in progress.[24]
The ill-timed transfer of Aitken from Igbide, whatever the reasons,
meant a severe setback on the Isoko work, especially since the
persecution of the converts was just then on the crest. In their
plight, an Isoko delegate went to
The C.M.S. Niger
In this plight, those Isoko (from Isoko inland) who had been
connected with Warri continued to look up to St. Andrew’s for
help. Thus, Cole’s itineration embraced this area which
included Iyede, Enhwen, Emevor, Owhe, Ozoro and Oleh. In 1916 when
the church at Acheowhe, a
Thus, while Isoko waterside (Igbide, Uzere, Araya, Ikpidiama etc.)
were hard hit by Aitken’s transfer, Isoko inland was
administered from Warri. But even in the former case, Proctor, based
at Patani, proved to be of some assistance. As the C.M.S. Report
puts it.
One of Mr. Proctor’s
tours carried him to the Igabo country,
the station opened at
Igbide in 1912 being without European
Missionary.[27]
Proctor’s itineration of the area was inevitable because
converts from Isoko waterside “literally swarmed” to
Patani to attend a daily instruction class in preparation for
baptism.[28]
Nearly two hundred of them were said to have learnt the
“church catechism and a scripture catechism” translated
by Proctor with the assistance of a young teacher. “4 very old
women” were also baptised by Proctor in one of the towns he
visited.[29]
By 1918, Aitken was transferred back to Isoko, and through him the
Isoko work was reinvigorated, especially as he was apprehensive of
the Roman Catholics who were just then arriving in Isoko. The R.C.M.
provided teachers in profusion. The C.M.S. thus stood to lose if
they failed to redouble their efforts at providing education for
their converts. The presence of the Roman Catholics should have led
Aitken to change his policy of depriving prospective evangelists of
book knowledge for fear that they might deflect to Government
service. But it did not.[30]
Since no teachers had been initially prepared, their services were
difficult to come by. Aitken was thus hoisted on his own petard, a
fact attested to by the C.M.S. report which records: “The lack
of teachers was sorely felt…around Igbide in the Igabo
country… [where] there was ‘a real soul hunger’
among the people.[31]
The lack of teachers notwithstanding, the work surged forward.
“As many as 12,500 attended the services, nearly 300 were in
the classes for inquirers and more than 2,300 in baptismal classes,
and 328 had been baptised by the end of November 1918.[32]
These results are overwhelming, especially since for more than a
year the District was not only without a resident missionary, but
also witnessed severe persecution. The results might not have been
so considerable but for the assistance given to Aitken by “ten
baptised lads who visited towns in the district and passed on what
they remembered of addresses which they had heard…”[33]
These “lads” also assisted in the examination of
candidates for baptism. An interview with one of the men who did
this revealed that a very large area of Isoko was reached through
this method. The teachers gathered in a town, where they were taught
by Aitken or Latham for a month and sent out the following month to
towns like Oleh, Aviara,
Through this system of itinerant evangelism, the Isoko country was
far more effectively handled by the C.M.S., her converts better
taught, even if only in the oral message and catechism, than was the
case in the Urhobo section. This was made possible by the presence
of white missionaries there, which was in turn consequent upon the
creation of “Igabo District” in 1914. Apart from the
earlier influence of Proctor and Reeks from Patani, Aitken had by
1920 other missionaries, like Gerrard and Latham, working with him
in Isoko. Gerrand, who arrived in 1919, worked for about 18 years in
Isoko country.
The C.M.S. 1920-1934
Up to 1920 the work of the C.M.S. in Urhobo had been based largely
on Sapele and Warri. Enough has been said to make it clear that
Warri and Sapele were not sufficiently equipped to cope with the
need of the Urhobo churches. Eku, therefore, became an off-shoot of
Sapele.
Another major problem was inadequacy of personnel. To meet this
inadequacy, the Urhobo congregations affiliated to Warri sent two of
their sons to St. Andrew’s Primary School, Warri, with the
intention of sponsoring them to St. Andrew’s College, Oyo.
This plan proved abortive since those sent deserted the Church. In
1923, there was a major breakthrough in search for personnel. The
first Urhobo gained admission to Oyo. He was none other than Agori
Iwe, later to become Bishop. Born at Okuama, about 1906, he attended
the village school from where he went to St. Andrew’s, Warri,
in 1920. He completed standard six there in 1922. At the end of 1923
he was selected to train as teacher/catechist in St. Andrew’s
Oyo. He completed the course in December 1927. His return marked
another milestone in the history of Christianity in Urhoboland in
respect of evangelisation of the people, proper organisation of the
churches, and translation of the scriptures.
Indeed long before Agori Iwe went to Oyo, preliminary translation
work had been on in the era of Cole, as Tugwell’s letters
indicate. One W.A. Tadaferua was at Idjerhe, urged by T. Emedo,[35]
the pioneer of Urhobo literature, to join Adult Education class.
When he moved to Warri in 1920, he was appointed as an instructor in
Urhobo Bible class, and got others interested in Urhobo literature.
Together with others –Ikimi Waghoregho, S. Magi (an Ijo
teacher at Ekiugbo), and to some extent, Oghenekaro, Tadaferua
worked in a translation class that was later set up. St. Mark was
translated by 1924. Agori Iwe’s return sped up the rate of
translation.
The preliminary translation work also drew inspiration from the
neighbouring Yoruba
When Cole left Warri, Kidd, who had been appointed Superintendent
of the Sapele-Warri Districts in 1918, visited Warri and outstations
from Sapele. He had under him Revd. Ologududu at Sapele and Revd.
Akande at Eku. But by mid 1924, Ologududu had to be discharged from
his pastoral work at Sapele, because his interminable absences from
his stations made his duties suffer.[38]
As a consequence of his dismissal, Warri, Sapele, and Eku with their
adjoining outstations were left in the care of Kidd, assisted by
only one clergy. Hence when Kidd was to go on leave, he expressed
fear as to how all the Districts could be worked by Akande alone.
But fortunately for the converts, in July 1924 Revd. J. Thompson was
posted to Warri from Hausaland to be Acting Superintendent of the
Districts in Kidd’s absence.
The one-and-a-half-year ministration of Thompson in the area was
highly spoken of by the converts, though, not by enough attention to
the financial aspect of his work. The converts, however, praised
Thompson mainly because of his frequent visitations and his keen
interest in music.[39]
Moreover, while Kidd was away, he was able to settle a disagreement
at Eku in which Akande was opposed by people Thompson described as
“malcontents”.
In the absence of Kidd on furlough there was no other resident
pastor at Sapele in the second half of 1924, since Ologududu had
been laid off. The
Ikomi, who joined the services of the C.M.S. some ten years before
this time, was a product of St. Andrew’s College, Oyo. Despite
his ten year service, he had received little or no increment. He had
complained to the C.M.S. about this treatment on a number of
occasions without eliciting any favourable response. In a letter to
the Archdeacon at Oshogbo, Ikomi pointed out that he was still
having to depend on his parents to subsidise his feeding; that he
was anxious to get married but could scarcely do so in a situation
in which he could not even feed himself.[40]
Apparently this letter did not produce any effect either. It was in
this situation that Ikomi had an affair with a girl. For this reason
he was charged with “immorality” and suspended from his
post as Catechist.
It is quite clear from Ikomi’s case that the church was
asking her servants to maintain high moral standards but subjecting
them to temptation by her inability or unwillingness to provide
these servants with the wherewithal to lead the ‘good’
life. Consequently a majority of her members who faltered were
prisoners of circumstances. And their suspension adversely affected
the numerical strength of the Church’s staff. So disturbed was
the Church at Sapele by the lack of qualified staff that she wrote
in anguish to Archdeacon Mackay stating her case for a pastor.
In the face of acute shortage of staff at Sapele, Kidd had to make
do with those workers who showed signs of repentance. Thus, Smith
who, after a year of suspension, was preparing for holy wedlock, was
reinstated in May 1926. But without a resident pastor for Sapele the
At Eku, the off shoot of Sapele, Akande’s ministration was
profitable to him and to the people until 1925, when he received
some opposition from his members. But the dispute was quickly
settled by Thompson. A major crisis at Eku had to do with the
primary school in 1926. One Imoukhuede, from Ora, was posted to Eku
to head the primary school there. But according to Imoukhuede,
Aganbi “the Sobo untrained teacher who was helping,” was
transferred to Sanubi, two and a half miles away,. Aganbi was not
only a son of the soil, but he also introduced “Christianity
and Civilisation” to his people. He therefore wielded great
influence. His transfer from
Here at Eku, as elsewhere, there was bitter rivalry amongst
Christians, a result of each denomination struggling to have a
foothold in the land. There were as many as five denominations at
Eku, all contending to preach Christ and win adherents. While
rivalry may be undesirable, it does sometimes produce good
results.[43]
Here the Christian faith, as had happened before, was spreading
through a process of division like some unicellular organisms which
reproduce themselves by a similar biological process. Knowing what
the Baptists have done in and for Eku and the Urhobo today, the
theologian in retrospect may well recognise God’s presence in
the confusion of the 1920’s.
The work at Eku dwindled by 1928.The inability of the C.M.S. to
compete effectively with the Baptist at Eku as elsewhere can be
accounted for by the perennial cry for funds and personnel. Added to
this was a drift to Warri of the young educated for employment and
trade, leaving the decrepit men and women who could not support the
church financially. Akande had to leave Eku for Sapele in 1928,[44]
and was wholly responsible for Sapele after the departure of Kidd in
1931.
Warri, after the departure of Thompson in December 1925, continued
without a resident Vicar till the end of 1926, when a new pastor
J.C.C. Thomas, was secured for Warri from Sierra-Leone.
J. C. C. Thomas
Thomas arrived in October 1926 bustling with energy and brimful of
hope. He left on November 1931 a broken and disillusioned person.
His eventful tenure of office arose from his realistic approach to
problems, and the resolution with which he tackled them. As a
result, he suffered the fate of all reformers. All attempts to sew a
new garment to the old, or pour new wine into old wine skins have
always produced the prophesied rupture. Plato’s suggestion,
consonant with Jesus’, was to have a clean beginning.[45]
But even such a step is not without its problems.
Early Period: His Ministry
When Thomas arrived at Warri, his first assignment was to arrange
for that year’s harvest; he was as yet reaping the harvest of
others’ labour. Shortly after the harvest, therefore, Thomas
went into the field. His maiden tour of the outstations which
commenced on November 22, lasted for eight days. So impressed was he
that his heart jumped for joy.
I had a hearty welcome
from the Sobos in every station and was very
favourably impressed with
the keen zeal, the love and, above all, the
sincerity of these Sobo
converts. There is undoubtedly a great future
for the church in
Soboland.[46]
Of Ebossa he says,
With the almost
indispensable help of the energetic travelling
agent I conducted class
meetings, services, and administered
the Holy Communion in all
the important centres.[47]
But this first impression stood in clear contradiction to what he
was to say of them later.
Like his predecessors, Thomas felt the need for instructing the
converts, destitute as they were of properly trained teachers. But
unlike his predecessors, he did not only feel and express concern
for the Urhobo, he attempted to translate his good intentions into
action.[48]
Consequently he invited the Urhobo to a conference at Warri from
December 15 to 17. This conference was attended by 78 persons. A
wide range of subjects was discussed: “Registration, Finance,
Visitation, Church Officers, Preparation of candidates for Baptism,
and Confirmation, Need of qualified Teachers, Sunday Observance,
Prayer, Evangelisation, Lectures, and periodical
examinations”.[49]
It was agreed that the conference, rewarding as it was, be held
twice a year, one about Easter, the other in November.
Of the situation in Warri itself, Thomas’ report was equally
hopeful. The work of Fajemisin, the headmaster at St. Andrew’s
School, was commended. Barimi, the second master, had just returned
from Oyo to assist Fajemisin. The pastor therefore hoped that with
Barimi there to assist, St. Andrew’s School, which they had
long struggled to place on the assisted list, would now be worked to
the position where the Government would accept it. To achieve this
objective, the services of Fajemisin had to be retained; for
“to allow him to go away means retrogression pure and
simple.”[50]
But to the great displeasure of Thomas, Kidd had already informed
the E.C. that Fajemisin, whose salary according to him had become
too heavy for Warri, had to be transferred, even if that meant
“retrogression pure and simple”.
Of the Warri Congregation, while Thomas praised their work, he
expressed dissatisfaction at their
If well begun was always half done, Thomas’ Ministry at Warri
would have known better success. For after only two months there, he
described the work as “interesting and encouraging” and
religiously concluded his report with
While we are busy praying
ourselves we earnestly solicit your
Prayers on our behalf that
God may give us the adequate strength,
Grace and wisdom to meet
up the need of the hour and that his
Work may be abundantly
blessed in our hands.[53]
His first report on his ministry at Warri and environs is
interesting in its details and encouraging in its spirit, but to
what extent it was “abundantly blessed in our hands” the
years ahead were to reveal. His judgment was perhaps premature. But
even after a year, he did not see the clouds that were gathering.
His annual report for 1927, apart from a few regrets for the
transfer of Fajemisin, had that same ring of encouragement and hope
about it.
According to him the
The conferences with the Urhobo converts were held as arranged in
June and December “with attendance of 75 and 68
respectively”. Amongst the problems attended to “was the
necessity of translating portions of the Scriptures and Special
Services of the prayer book”. A translating committee was
accordingly set up to begin work.
In December Thomas conducted examinations for six of the
outstations school teachers who had been receiving two days monthly
lectures. Two of them, David Egbebruke (who had worked with Aitken,
and was at the time a teacher at Edjekota) and Johnson Emoefe, a
teacher at Ovwo in Olomu, were successful. This was a mark of
progress in the Urhobo congregations, since some of their sons were
at last improving their minds through study and so were equipping
themselves for the ministry. What was more, Agori Iwe had just
returned from Oyo to the great pleasure of Thomas who prayed that
Agori should help stimulate interest in the Urhobo youth to follow
his suit.[54]
Thomas’s prayer was apparently answered. For Ejaife and
Ebossa’s son gained admission to Oyo at the end of 1927.[55]
Ejaife finished from Oyo in 1931 and taught at St. Andrew’s,
Warri for a while. These early successes encouraged Thomas to look
forward to a bright future “with an eye of faith.”[56]
But after the return of Kidd from furlough in 1927, and his
resumption of superintendence of the districts, Thomas’s
importance diminished. Kidd had very little to say in commendation
of Thomas. Evidently, he was not very satisfied with Thomas’s
work; and indeed, by mid 1929, the latter had been reported to him
by the Urhobo converts. In his report Kidd observed that Thomas was
finding it difficult to visit the outstations since he could not
ride a bicycle and had to be conveyed on a trailer.[57]
According to Kidd he visited the outstations only twice in the year.
Thomas had evidently had his hey day. If indeed he visited the
outstations only twice in the year, then he had developed cold feet.
The storm was about to break. The outstation work was to pass
through fire. But who was to bear the brunt of the failures of the
work: R. Kidd, Thomas or Ebossa? From
all indications, Thomas who had been more intimately involved in and
concerned about the real welfare of the Urhobo was to be the victim.
A majority of the people whom he had in 1926 lauded to the skies
were in 1929 to be at enmity with him.
The Later Period
The later period of Thomas’s ministry was characterised by
conflict and bitterness with the Urhobo. Several factors were
responsible for the crisis. First, was the struggle for a mission
centre. Agori Iwe was sent to Otovwodo Ughelli, against the will of
those converts notably from Ekiugbo and Eruemukohwarien towns, and
from Ughievwe and Udu clans who preferred Ekiugbo, or better
Eruemukohwarien. Secondly, it appeared that Thomas further alienated
the converts at Eruemukohwarien which had been the de facto
headquarters, by deposing Mukoro Kaghogho, the leader there, and
Igben Onajovwo, his second in command. According to their letters
they were deposed from office because they did not attend the bazaar
on a fixed day after they had obtained permission to palm nut
collecting hitherto suspended but which was to be resumed that very
day.[58]
Umukoro indicated in his letter that Thomas’s real intention
was not only to depose them, but to remove the headquarters from
Eruemukohwarien. Oluku Adjarho of Ekiugbo also wrote about his own
grievances against Thomas. He said that although he was trained
under Cole, Thompson and Kidd, had associated with Bishops Johnson,
Tugwell, and Jones, and had been the acknowledge leader of Ekiugbo,
Agbarhaoto and other churches and was consequently recommended for
Lay Reader’s licence which he believed Bishop Jones had handed
over to Thomas, the latter would not give him his licence. He also
complained of being debarred by Thomas from Holy Communion without a
just cause. The removal of “headquarters” from
Eruemukohwarien seemed, however, to have been the prime factor
creating disharmony between Thomas and many of the converts. The
entire Eruemukohwarien congregation wrote, decrying Thomas’s
action which “actually baffled us . . . the headquartership of
our town has been removed by him to a town called Otobodo.”[59]
They also referred to the fate of their deposed leaders, adding that
when they pleaded for forgiveness Thomas’s reply was “we
can go to any church we like beside the
What answered the name of the Sobo District Committee, C.M.S.
Warri, also wrote against Thomas to the Bishop on this same issue,
referring to the manner Umukoro, Kaghagho and Igben were deposed by
one who had granted them permission and how some other communicants
in the Urhobo interior were forbidden from Holy Communion because of
their failure to attend committee meetings. The petitioners
maintained that
These men (i.e. those in Urhobo Interior) were treated as ignorant
men hence such act was exercised over them which clearly tend to
break down the
They further noted that Thomas himself had attended harvest service
on Sunday at
bitter against the Travelling Agent and other Head Leaders of the
Churches in the interior Sobo deposing them from their respective
positions and propose to replace other new men. Declared enmity in
his actions towards the travelling Agent, A. Asedo, Umukoro Kaigho,
Lelegbel,e and Oluku.[64]
Since he did not heed Kidd’s warning
We have decided not to have Revd. Thomas again as our minister. We
now pray your worships help to instruct Revd . I. T. Akande of Sapele to be giving the Communicants
the Lord’s Supper at intervals and his expenses to and fro
will be paid by us.[65]
They chose this alternative until another pastor would be sent to
them, and they specifically asked for a European pastor who would
serve under Kidd, if it was not possible to send Thompson back.
In yet another letter, written this time to Thomas himself, the
committee asked for the receipts of the account of money to the tune
of fifty-eight pounds which they said they had sent to the bank and
also for the account which Kidd handed over to Thomas in respect of
the Urhobo Churches. Finally, the Sobo District Committee at Warri
and the
To crown it all Ebossa wrote a scathing letter about Thomas to the
Bishop, in which Thomas was accused of contravening Diocesan
Regulations by baptising children not born in wedlock or whose
parents were “heathen.” In this connection the accuser
was obviously ignorant of the fact that it was the prerogative of a
priest to administer baptism to anyone who asked for it, a request
which should not be denied. Thomas was further accused not only of
denying Ebossa and others the right to administer baptism to the
sick on their deathbed, as had previously been the case, but also of
refusal on Thomas’ part to bury the dead.
The foregoing might give the wrong impression that every one in
Urhobo was against Thomas. Even if a majority of the old leaders
were against him and had a large following, there were few who sided
with him. They were those who preferred Otovwodo as a centre, and
came from Otovwodo itself, Edjekota, Oviri Ogor, Agbarha (Agbasah),
Uduere, Oteri, Iwreogbovwa, Afiesere, Ephrotor (Effuruntor),
Iwremaro, and Odovie. Their preference for Otovwodo was partly
motivated by its proximity to them as was also the case with those
who preferred Eruemukohwoarie.
This latter group recounted the good works of Thomas, which
“is beyond description” while describing the former
petitioners as “back consulters” who when Cole went on
furlough, and desired to return, wrote “that they did not want
any black pastor, but white…and put before you as
aforesaid.” Ikimi Waghoregho wrote on behalf of
This flood of letters directed to the Bishop through Thomas was
forwarded to him by the latter with a covering note serenely
penned:
I forward you herewith under registered cover, letters from the
Sobo District Committee and would ask you not to be alarmed in the
least, After reading them through. I think you have heard and know
much more the Sobos and their characteristics as a people than I who
have only had a few days with them…with your kind permission I
am taking him (Ebossa) with me to
Accordingly, the three persons appeared before Bishop Jones in
But when Ebossa returned from
Knowledge is nothing in
the Religion of Christ. Pastors and Catechists
may not enter the Kingdom.
Those who do not take heed of this spirit
are infidels and shall
have no part of the Kingdom.[67]
This was Agori Iwe’s interpretation of the Ishoshi Erhi
movement.
Phillip’s Commission of Inquiry
There was veritable schism in the church and like all such spirit
movements, those affected overtly asserted their righteousness and
adopted a “holier than thou” attitude.[68]
When Bishop Jones learnt of the confusion he despatched Canon S.C.
Phillips from Ondo to Warri to investigate the case and forward his
recommendations to him. Philips made a meticulous investigation in
which he was able to convince many of the movement of its
incongruity with the spirit of God, especially since it was
characterised by orgiastic displays. Some of those “spirit
filled” even committed offences for which some of them were
imprisoned. Agori Iwe in tending his evidence showed that Egbo and
Eruemukohwarien were hot beds of the movement; that at the latter
place one of the “spirit-filled” bit a “heathen
woman” for which the assailant was fined ten pounds in court,
while two others who assailed a traditional priest were each jailed
for six months.
While the investigation was on, a woman possessed by the spirit was
actually raving in the parsonage. Were there no other evidence, this
should have been adequate demonstration of the unscripturalness of
the spirit movement. What was more, Masima Ebossa apparently denied
none of the charges made by Agori Iwe. The spirit of God is indeed
not of confusion, God being a lover of peace and of concord.
But we need to be particularly cautious before we condemn the
movement. For the margin between the man excessively imbued with the
spirit of God and one wholly demon possessed can be extremely
slender. The evil spirit which tormented Saul when he fell out of
favour with God was from Yahweh. (1 Sam. 16:14) And when Jesus went
about proclaiming the arrival of the kingdom, a good many considered
him mentally deranged. (Mark 3:21) And significantly it was the evil
spirits who first recognised and proclaimed him the son of God most
high. (Mark 1:24) The case of the divination damsel at Philippi
during Paul’s ministration there would also be in point here
(Acts 16:16ff) And did Paul not say that none could call Jesus Lord
except by the Spirit of God; and that only the Spirit of God can
understand, even search, the depths of God? (1 Cor. 2:10ff;
12:3)
What was happening in the Urhobo churches in 1929 had a close
resemblance to the gifts of the spirit in the Corinthian church
founded by Paul. What is enigmatic and uncomfortable in such
situations is the tendency to schism, although as has been
indicated, divisions may not always be evil -- more so since the
evilness of evil as a result of the purpose to which evil can be put
by God is in itself enigmatic.
What was happening in Urhoboland then was indubitably due to lack
of proper instruction, proper organisation, and proper direction of
the young churches. And if anyone should bear the blame, it is not
only Ebossa, and certainly not Thomas, but the entire C. M. S. This
is because, as has been pointed out, the C.M.S. had not been
enthusiastic in their support and supervision of the Urhobo
churches. In such situations where “the little children”
were led astray or not led at all, the manifestation of the spirit
in the particular mode it happened, was apt to cause confusion and
division, as it had done in the past, invariably involving
egocentricity on the part of those affected, and a derision by them
equally suppress and stifle it.
Accordingly, Phillips made a four-point recommendation: the
reorganisation of the work at Warri; the need for properly trained
agents; the position of Ebossa; and that of Thomas. First, Warri,
then comprising 67 churches according to Phillips, needed to be
organised as a separate district, directly under and responsible to
the Lagos Diocese. Secondly, properly trained and well instructed
agents of a higher calibre than the Ebossa group, who could impart
the requisite Christian instructions, were urgently needed for the
Urhobo churches. Thirdly Phillips recommended that Ebossa, evidently
resentful both of Thomas’s methods of administration and of
the New Catechist, Agori, be posted immediately to another area, the
Kwale or Isoko section. For, according to Phillips, Ebossa was
unwilling to take the subordinate position meant for a scripture
reader of his grade.[69]
Phillips noted that this unwillingness was chiefly responsible for
Ebossa’s vain attempt to start a new religious movement.
Phillips fourth recommendation was that Thomas be given a free hand
in the administration of Warri district, instead of making him a
kind of sub-superintendent under Revd. Kidd. He urged that Thomas be
made chairman of Warri District, responsible only and directly to
the Synod in order that his interest in the work at Warri may be
stimulated and sustained and his tenure prolonged. Otherwise, he
might wish to return to
The case, squarely decided in favour of Thomas and those with him,
was a clear victory for the institutionalised Church which provided
the judge. That Masima Ebossa felt insecure at the return of the new
catechist no one would doubt. But that he should have expected a
favourable verdict from the hierarchy he stood to oppose showed how
ignorant he was of church politics.[70]
Moreover, it was palpable that Masima and his kind could more easily
hoodwink white missionaries like Kidd, and even Bishop Jones than
they could Africans like Thomas and Phillips.
After the return of Phillips, it took some exchange of letters
between him and Bishop Jones to get the Bishop to accept all his
recommendations about the Warri situation. Philips stressed the
point to the Bishop that Thomas was not given a free hand by Kidd.
He urged that Thomas be made a superintendent of his own district,
and so become responsible directly to the Synod. It is true that
Kidd had harped on Thomas’s inability to ride a bicycle. But
Phillips emphasised that responsibility for working up the District
should first be wholly given to him. For “without that, he
will not wholly rise to the occasion because he will neither get the
benefit of success in the work nor wish to take the responsibility
of any failure”.[71]
If by becoming entirely responsible for the work Thomas found
“that ability to ride a bicycle is a sine qua non to the
carrying on the work”[72]
he would, argued Phillips, be compelled to do so. For, “no
native who has any ability and self respect would ever do his best
or continue to do his best when he feels he is in a position where
the European Superintendent gets the credit of his hard work and
success while he simply takes turn when some discreditable business
comes along”.[73]
There was also exchange of letters between Thomas and the Bishop.
First, the Bishop wrote to encourage him but took exception to
Thomas’s uncharitable remarks about Kidd. Thomas therefore
wrote back to apologise and withdraw them, but reiterated:
I have reason for using the remarks. Revd. Kidd told me we have no
need to send boys to Oyo to be trained as Catechists etc. Only a few
School Teachers are needed, and Mr. Masima and some of the leaders
told me that Revd. Kidd had given them his promise that they will be
responsible permanently for their work because the boys trained at
Oyo are all corrupt, and by my special effort to send boys to Oyo I
am upsetting his arrangements.[74]
Kidd’s argument, according to Thomas, had been based on lack
of money, but Thomas thought differently. The Urhobo Christians had
money enough to support the work “if they are properly
educated to it”. According to him, during the spirit movement
£30 was spent in feasting—and this was money collected
for church purposes.[75]
It is necessary to comment on Thomas’s and Phillip’s
attitude in this matter vis-à-vis the attitude of Kidd and
Jones. The conflict of ideas between Ebossa and Thomas, Kidd and
Thomas, and on a higher level, Jones and Phillips, reflects the
general tendency of the period when white Missionaries felt that
Africans could not take full responsibility for running the Church
in
On Kidd’s part it must be noted that the apparent zest with
which Thomas earlier carried out his work might have piqued the
former and made him feel rather insecure about his own tenure. This,
and not the spurious reason of Thomas’s inability to ride a
bicycle, will account for his lack of commendation of Thomas. This
unfortunate lack of confidence in non-white missionaries affected
West Indians also. For, as has been indicated, Thompson, a West
Indian, who acted as superintendent in Kidd’s absence in 1925,
was also not commended. Kidd’s uncomplimentary report on, and
unsatisfactory treatment of, Thompson made the latter leave Warri
and go back to Hausaland a disappointed man. Thomas suffered his
fate to a much severer degree.
After the Spirit case had been decided by Phillips, supported by
the Bishop, Thomas later visited the outstations to discover that
although the Movement had subsided, secret meetings organised by
Masima were nevertheless still going on. The churches particularly
affected, and which continued to be stubborn were Egborode (Egbo I),
Masima’s own station where the movement started, and churches
in Ughievwe District, where Masima’s influence was
particularly strong. When Thomas visited some of these stations and
persuaded the members “to give p this false movement”
the members stuck to their guns, on the ground that “they have
been praying for this spirit”. Because of this stubbornness or
firmness on the part of those who claimed they were under the
spirit’s influence, Thomas held a conference at Okpari with
the loyal Church Leaders and decided to replace “all those who
are still stubborn over this deceptive Spirit Movement” with
new teachers who have passed Government standard six. They would be
regularly lectured and properly trained by Thomas. In return he
believed work of the translation class would be sped up by these new
teachers and the Catechist, all of whom were Urhobo.
The significance of Thomas for Future Work
After the crisis of 1929, Thomas served for two more uneventful
years before he returned to Sierra-Leone, a broken man. But the
significance of his ministry at Warri and amongst the Urhobo has not
been fully appreciated. Many Urhobo, particularly those in the Erhi
Movement, do not speak well of him even today. He is accused of
partiality, and of being money minded. Some even accused him of
making away with St. Andrew’s building funds. All these
accusations may not have been groundless. But they should not blind
us to the significance of his work, which is fourfold: Conferences,
Organisation and Evangelisation, Training, and Translation.
Conferences
It will be recalled that from the reports of the work at Warri he
was the first to summon delegates from the hinterland churches to
Warri for conferences which were aimed at discussing the problems of
the young churches -- the problems of organisation, of
Evangelisation, of Translation and Training of personnel. The
conferences infused life into the churches, and should have been
continued by future leaders.
Organisation
It was his organisational foresight which led him to choose
Otovwodo of Ughelli as the headquarters for the C.M.S. in the
hinterland. This choice, happily supported by Evwaire, was a mark of
clear foresight on Thomas’s part. Otovwodo was the seat of the
Ovie of Ughelli, and is a stone’s throw to Iwhreko, which
later became Government headquarters.[76]
The Roman Catholics later on also moved to Otovwodo and built a
central school there, as did the local Council, (formerly called
Native Authority).
Thomas’s concern for proper organisation also made him
deprecate the blissful ignorance in which the Urhobo converts
groped. He did not wish to see them continue perpetually in that
state -- a state which did not seem to concern Kidd much. Thomas
attempted to translate his concern into action through the regular
lectures he gave to the school teachers and through his special
efforts to get Urhobo youth sent to Oyo.
Training
It was to get youth qualified for Oyo that he gave regular lectures
to the primary school teachers. This system of having teachers
prepared for higher studies was continued later in C.M.S. schools.
Qualified personnel would enhance the work of evangelisation and of
translation of the Scriptures.
Translation
The fourth significance of Thomas’s work was his keen
interest in translation. After removing the old leaders who refused
to recant the Spirit Movement, he replaced them with graduates from
the Government Schools. This, as we have shown, took place at
Okpari. He encouraged and supervised their translation of the
Scriptures. It was under this patronage that Agori Iwe translated
the Fourth Gospel in 1929.
Reflections on C.M.S. Work in Urhobo and Isoko
If Thomas’ alleged faults were many, so were his good
qualities. His evil should therefore not have been allowed to live
after him, to the exclusion of his good. The judgment of Ikimi, was
that Thomas threw out “the light into our darkness”.
This light may have been beclouded, but it will not be
extinguished.
From the crisis of 1929 two salient conclusions may be drawn.
First, the Urhobo congregations had from the beginning been sadly
neglected. This may be due to the fact that the C.M.S. in taking
these congregations over from the Niger Delta Pastorate did so very
reluctantly. Secondly, a majority of the converts themselves, for
reasons best known to them, preferred white missionaries, who were
in fact reluctant to come to them. Consequently the few of their own
men who were trained were looked at with distrust as those who had
come to oust them. This conclusion is legitimate, although Masima
never gave this (and could not have) as a reason for his action
either before Jones in
Had all those who were in the movement retraced their steps after
Phillips’s investigation and recommendations, as a majority
did, the schism would have been averted or bridged. But a few of the
members -- Ije ( a woman of Edjekota), Oriunu, a man from Edjekotoa,
Edjederia a man of Okpavuerhe, Onoyovwere of Eruemukohwarien, and
Ogegede of Ovwo -- stuck to their guns; they broke away completely
to found Ishoshi Erhi. Similarly, and perhaps understandably, Okpe
Churches (Masima’s own area) did not return with the rest of
the Urhobo Churches which Agori Iwe under the supervision of Thomas
reorganised. The churches in Okpe clan were consequently adversely
affected, a set-back from which they have never really recovered.[77]
Following the meeting at Okpari, various regular schools, as
contrasted with the former irregular (“bush”) ones, were
started by Agori Iwe. This process received impetus from Isoko where
between 1929 and 1931 James Welch embarked on an elaborate
educational project and founded many schools including I.C.S.
(
This was from 1918 onwards when Aitken was sent back to them.
Although Aitken did not completely change his attitude to education
in the face of the presence of the Roman Catholics, he embarked on
monthly instruction of teachers who went out to disseminate his
teachings. Some of these teachers graduated from the school at
Patani under Proctor. This continued till 1923, when the practice
was dropped.
Aitken and M. C. Latham, assisted by one Eloho, worked
indefatigably in organising and evangelising the Isoko, whose
interests he represented at the Niger Dioceses Executive Committee.
Under the supervision of Aitken, Eloho translated the Four Gospels
and later also Acts into Isoko as well as composing an Isoko Prayer
Book. St. Mark which was the first to be translated was published in
1920.[78]
And the Four Gospels together were published in Isoko in 1922.
The local congregations themselves were headed by men devoted to
service, and were fortunate to have missionaries and Ibo pastors[79]
from the
The buoyancy of Isoko C.M.S. at this period is attested to by the
C.M.S. Reports:
The class fees for Christian instruction are paid twice a year
sometimes as much as £60 a week is taken. About 20 C.M.S. rest
houses in the district facilitate travelling. Some of the district
churches are attended by over 1,000 people daily, and there are 200
or 300 at school in the afternoon. At night they sit in their
compounds and repeat the catechism to one another.[81]
During his visit to Isoko, Smith was so stunned by the rate of
converts to Christianity there that he wrote:
Nothing that I can say will give adequate idea of what is going on
among the people who have come out of idolatry in thousands to serve
the living and true God. The women in many congregations outnumber
the men, and to meet with congregations of from 500 to 1,000 every
morning and evening, consisting of the majority of the population,
was an experience never to be forgotten.[82]
M. C. Latham, the Missionary Priest working with Aitken in Isoko,
reports that during his visits to each town, he was equally beset by
200 or more people waiting to be examined for baptism. Where he
could not complete examining all of them within a scheduled time in
any one particular place, some of the people followed him from town
to town for two or three weeks -- all wanting to be baptised.[83]
Aitken himself had to marry 63 couples after baptising 80 adults in
the same day. All this was apart from 500 or 600 persons outside his
lodging, waiting to be examined for baptism.[84]
The overwhelming numerical strength of the Isoko converts is further
indicated by the sales of the Gospel of Mark. In 1921 alone, 5,000
copies of this Gospel newly translated and published, were sold.
The hold which Christianity had on the Isoko at this stage was also
evident from Latham’s observation at Aviara. During his visit
there on a Sunday which happened also to be the market day, Aviara
Market, normally attended by from 1,500 to 2,000 people, was
attended by only 50.
The marvellous conversion to Christianity in Isoko was not at first
properly channelled in the right direction. Aitken, as we have
reiterated, initially denied the Isoko book knowledge for fear that
they might deflect to Government services. According to the C.M.S.
Report, about twenty men were being trained as evangelists, but they
were still being trained only in things necessary for evangelists to
know; “that is to say, they are not taught writing since that
would give them the opportunity of obtaining secular work”.[85]
It was not until the advent of Welch in 1929 that this attitude was
revised.
In Isoko, Welch was the chief missionary pioneer of education. What
schools there were irregular until his arrival, the only exception
being that at Uzere. One Ifode, (later Revd. Ifode), was the head
teacher at Uzere until 1925 when he entered Awka in 1926 to train as
a Catechist and was succeeded at Uzere by Apena, who was also to
enter Awaka in 1920, with Ockya. When the three of them returned
from Awka, they assisted the reinforcement of white missionaries
dispatched to the Isoko country in the early 30’s.
By 1930/31 there were no less than three white missionaries (one
with his wife) at Oleh: O. N. Gerrard (and wife) J.W. Hubbard and
James W. Welch. At the same time, at
The movement in
In 1931, Kidd retired from Sapele District. Before his departure,
the Urhobo congregations presented a petition to the Yoruba Mission
through him, asking to be included with the Niger Diocese so that
they could be administered with their Isoko brethren, who as had
been indicated, had at the time no less than five white missionaries
and Ibo pastors serving them.
Kidd urged that the request be granted, and admitted that it was an
experiment joining the Urhobo to the Yoruba, and since for the past
twelve years, no effective missionary work was done in their midst,
the experiment failed. Provided the Niger Mission agreed to receive
them, the Yoruba Mission would gladly hand them over. After all,
Jones had complained that
As from 1932, therefore, Urhobo interior was administered with
Isoko, James Welch came to reside at Ughelli in 1932. Warri and
neighborhood, where Thomas was succeeded by Sabine in 1932,
continued the dying link, until 1934, when it was separated from
Yoruba. But Sapele District, where Akande took over from Kidd, never
did.
Conclusions
The period 1914-34 for the Niger Delta Pastorate and C.M.S. in
Urhobo was a period of struggling, of disappointed hopes, and of
groping in “blissful ignorance”. As has been reiterated,
Isoko, which the Niger Diocese through the instrumentality of Aitken
took over, enjoyed effective supervision and evangelisation; whilst
the Urhobo did not. It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that
Anglican Christianity is even today more firmly rooted in Isoko than
in Urhobo.
The remarkable thing about the whole situation, however, is that
despite the conflicts for instance between Ebossa and his retinue on
the one hand, and J. C. C. Thomas with is supporters on the other,
there was no return to the traditional religion. If there were
breakaways from the C.M.S., they were no lapses into Urhobo
Religion. It was only another brand of Christianity, and indeed one
which claimed to be more Christian than institutionalised
Christianity, one which claimed that it was going back to pristine
Christianity, that emerged.[87]
But because of the neglect of Bishop Johnson’s converts, when
other denominations came they made successful inroads into Urhobo
giving rise to splinter groups or secessions from the C.M.S. in
Urhoboland, a pattern that could not be achieved
with as much success in Isoko.
Denominational Developments
One of the consequences of the C.M.S. neglect of the work in Urhobo
was the emergence of myriads of denominations. First were the Roman
Catholics, through a resuscitation of the moribund Roman Catholicism
at Warri. Warri became a springboard from where R.C.M. Fathers and
workers plunged into Urhoboland. A common effective weapon was the
campaign that the Roman Catholic was the only truly Catholic Church.
The ignorant converts of Bishop Johnson’s agents who did not
know what “Catholic” meant were often convinced that by
repeating “The Holy Catholic Church” in the
Apostles’ Creed without belonging to the Roman Catholic
Church, they were contradicting themselves.
Second were the Baptists. At first they evinced a capacity to
tolerate much of Urhobo culture, like the apparent condoning, if not
obvert “baptising” of Esemo worship, and acceptance of
polygamy. Both these practices, as has been indicated, could not
easily be repudiated. Their acceptance or toleration therefore made
the
Third was the
The later rise of three splinter groups, such as the
Jehovah’s Witnesses, the God’s Kingdom Society, and
later still, some Pentecostalists, was consequent upon a one-sided
emphasis and interpretation of scriptures. But they did not take as
many members from the C.M.S. as did the Roman Catholic Mission, the
Baptists and the
[1] It should be noted that the C.M.S. did not actually take over the work until after 1917.
[2]
See Obaro Ikime, “The Coming of the C.M.S.,” loc. cit.,
p. 213. See also C.M.S. Niger
[3] St. Andrew’s P.C.C., Minutes 31, December, 1917.
[4] See C.M.S. Report 1914-15, p.46.
[5] For more details about the NDP and its relation to the Diocese of West Equatorial Africa, see (I) D.C. Crowther, Delta Pastorate Church (printed by C.M.S. Bookshop, Lagos; 1916) pp.2-5; (ii) E.M.T. Epelle, The Church in the Niger Delta (C.M.S. Niger Press, 1955) pp. 33-62.
[6]
Rev. C. F. Cole of Benthe, Sherbro, was sent to Warri from the
[7]
Solomon was a Saro who lived at Warri and worked under the P.W.D. at
the turn of the nineteenth century, and early in the twentieth. Like
many in his days, Solade Solomon was a mason, but he played a
leading role in the church at Warri, and was throughout a very
active member of the P.C.C. for Warri. After the death of Bishop
Johnson he led the Warri delegation to
[8] See C,M.S. (Y) 2/2.14: Ughele District C.M.S. Warri to Bishop Jones, 12 May 1929. Some of the Urhobo, we are told in this letter, did not desire the return of Cole.
[9] During his itineration Cole was conveyed from town to town in a hammock by the Urhobo converts.
[10] Cf. The Serampore Mission Resolution.
[11] Interview with Okitlpi, 16 April 1971. The letter is said to have concluded with the words: “We are not divided, Onward Christian Soldiers”.
[12] St. Andrew’s P.C.C. 17 August 1917.
[13]
C.M.S. Y 1/1; Manley to F.M. Jones re
[14] Ibid.
[15] C.M.S. (Y) I/I: Manley to Smith, 19 September, 1919.
[16] The Urhobo area was treated as a no-man’s land. Consequently C.M.S. work was much more firmly rooted in Isoko than in Urhobo whose fate swung pendulum-like from the Niger Delta Pastorate to Yoruba Mission, and then to the Niger Mission.
[17] InteviewithAdeda,17 December 1969.
[18] Although there was no actual bloodshed, yet the privations and hardships the converts suffered could have discouraged many. But they did not.
[19] C.M.S. Report, 1915 – 1916, p. 41f
[20] C.M.S. Report, 1915 – 1916, p. 41-42.
[21] C.M.S. Report, 1915 – 1916, p. 41-42.
[22] Ibid.
[23] This means that 54 people joined the church that Sunday.
[24] C.M.S. Report 1915-1016, pp.41-42.
[25] St. Andrew’s P.C.C. 24 March 1916, and 5 April 1916.
[26] St. Andrew’s P.C.C. 21 January 1918.
[27] C.M.S Report: 1917-1918, p. 28.
[28] See C.M.S Report: 1917-1918, p. 28
[29] Ibid.
[30] C.M.S Report: 1918-1919, p. 33.
[31] C.M.S Report: 1918-1919, p. 33.
[32] Ibid.
[33] Ibid.
[34] Interview with D. Egbebruke, an Ex-Catechist, c.70, 12 December 1969, at Ughelli, Egbeburke, and Urhobo, was taken as a boy to Patani by his parents, where he later attended school and was taught by Proctor and Reeks.
[35] Thomas Emedo translated the first Urhobo Primer, c. 1920
[36]
Interview with Bishop S. C. Phillips, aged 90, on 20 March 1971, at
[37] Ofodidun’s translation was predominately in Okpe dialect and so was difficult to use all over Urhobo.
[38]
At the time of his appointment, he was reluctant to move his family
from
[39] In his time St. Andrew’s Choir was highly organised and became increasingly competitive to join.
[40] In his time St. Andrew’s Choir was highly organised and became increasingly competitive to join.
[41] C.M.S., Y 2/2.14: Sapele Report, June 1925, by Kidd.
[42]
There were as many as five denominations each with a Primary school,
at Eku by 1926. See C.M.S. Y 2/2 14: Imoukhuede to the Secretary,
Yoruba
[43] See Philippians 1:15-18.
[44] At about the same time that C.M.S. work at Eku declined, that of the R.C.M. also dwindled. Father Kelly left Eku for Sapele in 1925 according to Umurie, in 1927 according to Biakolo.
[45]
See
The
[46] C.M.S. Y2/2/15: Thomas’ short Report on work at Warri, January 1927.
[47] Ibid.
[48]
Kidd often referred to the need for trained personnel, especially
a pastor for the outstations in his reports. But he took no
positive step to improve the situation by recommending people for
training at Oyo.
[49] C.M.S. Y2/2:14 Thomas Report, January 1927.
[50] Thomas Report: January 1927.
[51] ]Ibid.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Ibid.
[54] See C.M.S. (Y)
[55] District Annual Report 1927 by J.C.C. Thomas.
[56] Ibid.
[57] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2. Kidd’s Report on Sapele and Warri Districts. January-June 1929.
[58] See C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14: Igben to Bishop F.M. Jones 23 April 1929, and also Mukoro Kaghogho to Bishop F.M. Jones 26 April 1929.
[59]
C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14:
[60] Ibid.
[61] Ibid. Sobo District Committee C.M.S. Warri to Bishop F. M. Jones26 April 1929.
[62] Ibid.
[63] It is noteworthy that the new Catechist was not in this “Sobo District Committee”
[64] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14: Sobo District Committee C.M.S. Warri to Bishop Jones 27 April 1929.
[65] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14, op.cit.,26 April 1929.
[66] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14: Thomas to F. M. Jones 6 May 1929.
[67] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14:Agori Iwe (Catechist) to Revd. J.C. C. Thomas 16 August 1929.
[68] What is remarkable, to my mind, is that none of the affected members who later recanted, and whom I interviewed between 1969 and 1971, denied the genuineness of the spirit. Some of them believed that it was not properly directed by the church’s hierarchy.
[69] Ebossa’s unwillingness to submit to Agori Iwe may also have to do with the typical African concept of seniority which had strictly to be determined by age.
[70]
Had he and his henchmen secured a European Missionary as Judge of
the case they might have fared better.
[71] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2 14: Canon S. C. Phillips to Bishop F..M. Jones, 30 October 1929.
[72] Ibid.
[73] Ibid
[74] C.M.S. (Y) 2/2.14” Thomas to Jones, 19 December 1929.
[75] Ibid.
[76]
The Government headquarters were moved from Ase to Ughelli in
1932.
[77] Interview with Bishop Agori Iwe, c.64, Bishop of Benin Diocese, 16 April 1971
[78] Interview with Efeturi, one of the earliest priests in Isoko, aged c.60, at Warri,25 August 1970; and with Ven. Apena, at Oleh.
[79]
Revd. Asiku arrived at Ozoro in 1924. The
[80] Interview with Aenas.
[81] C.M.S. Report: 1920-21, p.9.
[82]
Smith’s words quoted in the C.M.S. Report of 1921-22.
[83] See C.M.S. Report: 1921-22
[84] See C.M.S. Report: 1921-22
[85] See C.M.S. Report: 1921-22.
[86] The Adam’s movement, popularly known as Usi Woma (Iyere Esiri) “Good news”, is now a very powerful and virile section of the Anglican Diocese of Benin, Adam himself holding the Bishop’s licence as a Diocesan lay Reader.
[87]
This brand of Christianity now flowers in Pentecostalism -- the
Aladura or
[88]
See E.. A. Ayandele,
Missionary Impact on Modern
[89] Ibid. pp.122ff.