Urhobo Historical Society
|
CULTURE AND
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN URHOBOLAND
By Emmanuel
O. Ojameruaye, Ph.D.
1.
Introduction
One of the factors
responsible for the endangerment of �indigenous� languages and cultures
in the Third World
is the misconception that these
cultures are not supportive of modern economic development at best or
hinder
development at worst. Proponents of this view believe that the
traditional
cultures and languages of the Third World should be allowed to die
�naturally�. We reject
this view and posit that while they may be some aspects of �indigenous�
cultures that are not quite supportive of modern economic development,
such
aspects can be �modernized�. More importantly, the promotion and
modernization
of indigenous languages and culture is essential and critical to modern
economic development. In this paper, I explore the complex relationship
between
culture and economic development with emphasis on Urhoboland in Nigeria.
The objective is to stimulate empirical research into the complex
relationship
between culture and economic development in Urhoboland and provide a
framework
for such studies. The ultimate goal is to minimize or eliminate the
negative
impact that some elements of Urhobo culture may have on economic
development on
the one hand, and to minimize or prevent the damaging impact of
economic
development on some aspects of Urhobo culture on the other hand. The paper is
divided into seven sections. In section 2, I present the
working definitions of culture and economic development employed in
this paper.
Section 3 surveys the global literature on the relationship between
culture and
economic development while section 4 describes the growing world
cultural
industries. In section 5, I describe the relationship between some
elements of
Urhobo culture and some aspects of development in broad, heuristic
terms not
based on empirical research. In section 5, I present an analytical
framework
for studying the relationship between culture and economic development
in
Urhoboland. Our concluding remarks and tentative suggestions are
presented in
the last section.
2.
Working Definitions (What
are we Talking About?)
.
The
terms culture and economic development have a wide variety of
definitions and
this has complicated the controversy surrounding the relationship
between the
two concepts.
2.1 Economic
Development
There are various definitions for the
term
�economic
development�. In its simplest form, it defined as �progress towards
prosperity�
or �improvement in well-being�. M. Todaro
defines it as a �multidimensional process
involving the re-organization and reorientation of the entire economic
and
social systems�. In a more robust
form, economic development is defined as the process of improving the
quality
of all human lives that involves four aspects. Firstly, it involves economic growth, i.e. increase in the
production of goods and services. Secondly, it involves raising
peoples� living
standards � their income, consumption of
food, access to health and education,
housing, sanitation, housing, modern
technology etc. Thirdly, it involves creating conditions for conducive
to the
growth of peoples� self-esteem through appropriate social, political
and
economic systems/institutions/processes that promote human
dignity and respect. Fourthly, it involves increasing people�s
freedom to choose by enlarging the
range of options available to individuals including consumer goods and
services
as well as other social and political variables
2.2
Culture
The 1982 World Conference on Cultural
Policies
defined culture as the �whole complex of
distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features
that
characterize a society or social group. It includes not only the arts
and
letters, but also modes of life, the fundamental rights of the human
being,
value system, traditions and beliefs�. V. Rao and M. Walton of the
World
Bank define culture as �the social
structures, norms, values and practices that underpin social identities
and
behaviors, creative activities, and cultivation of imagination.
Aesthetic
expression, including "built heritage", forms part of this
conception�. To
H. Thompson, culture is �the total
complex pattern of customary human behavior, social norms and material
trait
embodied in thoughts, speech, action, and artifacts and dependent upon
the
human capacity for learning and transmitting knowledge, and systems of
abstract
though. This will include beliefs, morals, laws, customs, opinions,
religions,
superstitions, and art. For the purpose of
this paper, we will define culture as �the
predominating attitudes, values, norms, behaviors, beliefs, art,
heritage, music, letters and creative activities that characterize the
functioning of a people�. Simply put, culture is �the way of life
of a
people�
2.3 Culture
and Development Thesis
The following are some of the basic
questions that
must be answered in studying the relationship between culture and
development
as defined above.
1.
Do
certain cultural
traits promote economic development?
2.
Does
economic
development instill certain cultural traits?
3.
Are
culture and economic
development relatively autonomous?
According
to V. Rao and M. Walton,
� development economists are
concerned with culture because of the thesis that in order to be
effective,
development processes to reduce poverty must take into account, or at
least
understand, the role of culture and this thesis needs exploration and
empirical
enquiry�.
Central to this
thesis is the "culture of poverty" argument which states that there
are aspects of culturally-related behaviors in countries or communities
that
prevent groups of people from taking advantage of economic development.
However, some economists believe that cultural processes affect
developmental
processes and vice versa. Culture is not only related to economic
development,
it helps define how well-being is defined by different societies. Thus,
culture
is important to development both as an end and as a means. That is, on
the one
hand, culture affects what
is of value in
a society through the intrinsic value accorded to cultural activities
and
through the influence of cultural processes on the values attached to
the
various aspects of well-being and features of a society (including the
relative
weight given the well-being of different individuals or groups). On the
other
hand it influences how individuals, communities, informal and formal
institutions respond to developmental changes and that influence the
opportunities they face.
3.
Literature Review
Until recently, �mainstream� economists
have
tended
to downplay the role of culture in economic development. However,
economic
sociologists and development economist have long recognized the
important role
of culture in economic development. The body of studies that emphasize
the role
of culture in economic development is called �cultural determinism�.
The
seminal work in this area is Max Weber�s The
Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, first published in
1904. Weber�s work centered on showing
that the emergence of the modern economic development (in Europe)
depended on a prior shift in cultural values generated by
Protestantism.
However, Weber�s thesis was controversial from its very beginning.
Critics
argued that Catholic societies had started to develop modern capitalism
long
before the Reformation and that it was the Counterreformation rather
than
Catholicism that led to economic backwardness. However, given the
delayed
development trajectory of virtually all Catholic countries when
compared with
their Protestant counterparts, some scholars believe that Weber was
essentially
correct. In 1951, Weber published
another book, �Confucianism and Taoism�
in which he argued that Confucianism created an environment hostile to
capitalist development by emphasizing kinship as the primary source of
social
relatedness and thereby promoted economically inefficient nepotism.
However,
the spectacular economic performance of Japan,
China and other
Confucian
societies since the 1950s has demolished Weber�s thesis and it would
appear
that he overstated the negative impact of kinship on economic
activities in China
and other
Confucian societies. This has led some scholars to argue that the
obstacles to
development may have more to do with politics and institutions rather
than
specific cultural factors.
After Weber�s works, there were several
other
studies in the 1950s and 1960s that followed his tradition. Most of
these
studies focused on the �modernization theory� which regarded
contemporary
Western societies as models worthy of emulation while portraying the
�traditional� cultures in most �Third World�
countries in a negative light and as contributors to economic
backwardness and
poverty. In fact, the first issue of first journal on development
economics
which came out in 1952 was aptly titled �Economic
Development and Cultural Change�. Some economists at the time
argued that
many less developed countries (LDCs) lacked �achievement-oriented�
cultural
characteristics. Thus the prevailing view then was that poor countries
must
duplicate the cultural institutions of the developed countries in order
to move
out of underdevelopment. However, these studies were tainted with
�ethnocentrism� (eurocentrism or Europeanism) and could not explain the
economic miracles in Japan,
South East Asia and China.
On their part, the Neo-Marxists argued that the structure of the world
economy
reinforced �dependencia� which they
regarded as the main source of underdevelopment of the LDCs (Dependency
Theory). They emphasized that the
modernization theory neglected the impact of external factors such as
colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism and unequal trade through
which the
rich (developed) nations exploited the poor (developing) nations. Also
some
orthodox economists argued that since there was no empirical proof by
those
proponents of �cultural determinism� the theory cannot be taken
seriously.
Thus, by the early 1970s, some economists pronounced the �modernization
theory�
dead.
However, in the mid 1980s, there was
something close
to the revival of �cultural determinism� with the emergence of
�Reaganism� and
�Thatcherism�. Examples of these �revivalists� include Samuel
Huntington (1998)
who strongly emphasized the role of culture in development and divided
the
world into 8 �cultural zones� based on what he regarded as cultural
differences
that had existed for centuries. Other so-called �neo-Weberians� include
Mann
(1986), Holton and Turner (1989) and Swedberg (1998). Some
neo-Weberians like Huntington
went as far as
to predict a future �clash of cultures or civilization� on a global
scale.
The late1980s also saw the rise of �new
institutional
economics� which recognized the importance of norms in economic life.
According
to one of its leading advocates, North (1990), �institutions
(i.e. formal and informal rules) were critical in
reducing transaction costs and thereby promoting economic efficiency�.
Generally, institutional economists are more aware of the role of
history,
culture and other so-called �path dependent� factors in shaping
economic
behavior and development. In fact, the �Asian economic miracle� of the
1980s
and 1990s as well as the experience of transitional economies of Eastern Europe made many economists to look at
cultural
and institutional factors (such as work ethic and deference to state
authority)
as key explanatory factors of successful transition strategies and
economic
performance.
There has also been a strong emphasis on
the
role
�social capital� in development since the early 1990s. According to DFID
social capital refers to �the social
resources upon which people draw in pursuit of their livelihood
strategies. These
are developed through networks and connectedness�, membership of more
formalized groups often entails adherence to mutually-agreed or
commonly
accepted rules, norms and sanctions, and relationships of trust��.
Thus,
social capital embodies aspects of the cultural traits of a society.
Unlike the
neo-Weberians, the proponents of �social capital� and the �new
institutional�
economics focus more on the positive aspects of culture, rather than
using it
to justify underdevelopment.
Although it is still difficult to make a
general
statement on the relationship between culture and development,
empirical
evidence suggests that economic development is associated with shifts
away from
absolute norms and values toward values that are increasingly rational,
tolerant,
trusting, and participatory
Some of the characteristics of pre-industrial societies that
change
with
development include low level of tolerance for abortion, divorce, and
homosexuality; strong emphasis on religion; male dominance in economic
and political
life; strong parental authority; kinship and strong family attachment;
authoritarian political systems. Advanced industrial societies tend to
have the
opposite characteristics. However, some
societies have tended to follow different development
trajectories.
Thus, while economic development tends to transform societies in a
predictable
direction, the process and path could be different. According to H.
Thompson,
�the main
problem with the debate over the causal relationship between culture
and economic
development is the �pathetic inadequacy of human psychology, or
analytical
laziness, when confronting complexity. The tendency is to avoid the
difficult
mental labor of identifying and analyzing the intricate historical and
structural interconnections amongst a labyrinth of variables�economic
development, culture�are better interpreted as the complex process
resulting
from the interaction of many different variables,� It is not
intellectually
helpful to explain specific events and phenomena in terms of the macro
processes or structures, and pointless to subsume anything and
everything under
the umbrella of a single causal agent or process�Culture presents many
facets�Broad generalizations are counterproductive, bordering on
racism�Though
it affects economic development, culture in itself is never constant
but
evolves jointly with economic opportunities. While particular elements
of
culture can (and do) influence development, monolithic interpretations
of
culture like those of Weber and the neo-Weberians must be rejected�.
Today, many economists and sociologists
believe that
culture is a critical factor in economic development and that there is
a
bi-directional relationship between both. Thus, while the classical
economist
recognized only two factors of production (capital and labor), the
neoclassical
included land or natural resource as a third factor while contemporary
economists have included institutions and �social capital� which
include
aspects of culture of the people.
To underscore the role of culture in the
context of
international development, the latest 2004 Human Development Report,
subtitled �Cultural Liberty in Today�s Diverse World�,
focuses on managing cultural diversity within the context of
international
development. The report debunked five common myths about cultural
identities,
including the following:
- People�s
ethnic identities compete with their attachment to the state, so there
is a trade�off between recognizing diversity and unifying the state.
NOT SO
- Ethnically
diverse countries are less able to develop, so there is trade-off
between respecting diversity and promoting development. NO!
- Some
cultures are more likely to make development progress than others, and
some cultures have inherent democratic values while others do not., so
there is a trade-off between accommodating certain cultures and
promoting development and democracy. NO!
The report clearly rejects that
�modernization� theory
and noted that �there is no evidence from
statistical analysis or historical studies of a causal relationship
between
culture and economic progress or democracy�.
4. The
Growth Cultural
Industries
Since the mid 1980s, some economists
have
moved away from debating the
relationship between culture and economic development to analyzing the
growing
global cultural industries and international trade in cultural goods
and
services, and how nations can benefit or reap comparative advantage
from this
trade. Within this framework, the cultural industries refer to �industries that
combine the creation, production and commercialization of contents
which are
intangible and cultural in nature�which include printing, publishing
and
multimedia, audio-visual, phonographic and cinematographic productions,
as well
as crafts and design. For some countries, this concept also embraces
architecture, visual and performing arts, sports, manufacturing of
musical
instruments, advertising and cultural tourism�.
Generally, cultural
industries
are knowledge and
labor-intensive; they create employment and wealth, nurture creativity,
and
foster innovation in production and commercialization processes. During
the
past 20 years, cultural industries have grown exponentially, both in
terms of
employment creation and contribution to GNP. For instance, between 1980
and
1998, annual world trade of printed matter, literature, music, visual
arts,
cinema, photography, radio, television, games and sporting goods surged
from
US$ 95.34m to US$387.927 millions
However, the trade is
dominated by a few countries. For instance, in 1990, Japan,
USA, Germany and UK
were the biggest exporters of
cultural goods and services accounting for about 55.4% of total exports
and
about 47% of total imports. The high concentration of exports and
imports of
cultural goods among a few countries is however declining with new
players such
as China, South Africa and India.
Overall trade volumes of
cultural products have increased dramatically since 1991 due boom of
multimedia, audiovisual, software and other copyright based industries.
For
instance, in 1996, cultural products (films, music, television
programs, books,
journals and computer software) became the largest US export,
surpassing, for
the first time, all other traditional industries, including
automobiles,
agriculture, or aerospace and defense. Overall, the rapid expansion of
international cultural trade has responded to rising demand for
cultural goods
and services. Throughout the 90s the structure of cultural industries
worldwide
was dramatically reorganized with the development of new digital
technologies and
the arrival of national, regional and international (de)regulatory
policies.
These factors have radically altered the context in which cultural
goods,
services and investments flow between countries today. Cultural
industries have
also undergone a process of internationalization, realignment and
progressive
concentration, resulting in the formation of a few big conglomerates.
Recent
figures of culture sector�s contribution to GDP and employment
illustrate well
the economic and job-creation potential of cultural industries. In OECD
countries, the culture sector accounts for 4% of GDP, while it accounts
for 1
to 3% in developing countries (1% Brazil,
3% South Africa).
In order to ensure that
Africa
benefits
from the growing trade in cultural goods and services, the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) organized a Regional Consultationad
hoc Dakar Plan by UNESCO and the
Organization of African Unity (OAU). The meeting examined the problems
facing
the cultural industries � craft, arts, books, music and the performing
arts,
cinematography, cultural heritage - in Africa
and suggested ways of overcoming some of the problems. Some of the
recommendations included the following meeting
in Cotonou
(Benin) on 5-9 September 2000 to review the situation of cultural
industries in
Africa, eight years after the launch of the
Large-scale
production of works of cultural goods and increased professionalism
in marketing
Holding
regular exhibitions and workshops on the criteria and
aesthetics of African ar
Encouraging
the establishment of professional associations or national
union
Reproducing
works of arts digitally on the Internet in order to facilitate
their distribution and promotio
Encouraging
local production of books and developing regional market;
raising reading habit/rates; and promoting regional book salons and
fairs
Combating
piracy and ensure surveillance of the electronic market
Training
or local artists in specialized schools as well as in creative
workshops
Identification
of cultural operators and production structures and
development of networks in order to ensure a rational returns on
current
effor
Ensuring
that cultural goods relate to African reality (to ensure that
people relate to them) while at the same time adapting to modernity.
Modernity
requires adequate infrastructure
Expanding
programs aimed at the identification of sites and monuments
of historic importance
5. Brief
Overview of Culture and Economic
Development in Urhoboland
In this section we briefly
survey the relationship between some aspects of Urhobo culture and
modern
economic development in the area in broad, non-empirical terms. Due to
space
constraints, not all aspects of Urhobo culture are discussed.
The Urhobo people are the
5th largest ethnic group in Nigeria
with a population of between 1.5m and 2 million. The Urhobo nation
consists of
twenty-two autonomous sub-national groups or �states� (sometimes
erroneously
referred to "clans")
The Urhobo people have a common ancestry, language, values, norms,
traditions,
beliefs, art, heritage, music, dress code, food, art work, festivals,
beliefs,
dance, music, marriage and burial ceremonies, etc which define Urhobo culture. They share some of the
cultural traits (e.g. food and clothing) with some of their neighbors.
The
natural terrain of Urhoboland by and large determined their traditional
occupations of farming and fishing. During the colonial era, the
production of
palm oil and palm kernel from the stands of oil palm trees which are
native to
Urhoboland was highly encouraged by the British colonial government.
The
British also found the area and climate ideal for the cultivation of
rubber and
cocoa as cash crops. The discovery of petroleum in Urhoboland in the
1960s has
been a mixed blessing. While the oil has enriched the modern Nigeria
nation-state, its benefit to Urhoboland has been limited. On the other
hand, it
has created ecological and social problems which have adversely
affected
traditional occupations of farming and fishing.
Over the past 50 years, there have been significant changes in
the
economy of Urhoboland
These changes have impacted the culture of the people. On the
other
hand some
of the cultural elements of the Urhobo people have either facilitated
or
impeded economic development.
To be sure, not all aspects or elements
of
culture
affect economic development and versa. There are some elements of
culture that
have no impact on economic development whereas there are others whose
impacts
are negligible or ambiguous or indeterminate.
In the absence of data, we shall describe the relationship
between some
of the components or elements of Urhobo culture and economic
development in
Urhoboland in broad heuristic terms.
5.1
Urhobo
Language
Language is perhaps the most important and
distinguishing aspect of any culture. Accordingly to the Centre for
Endangered Languages in its universal
declaration of linguistic rights in Barcelonia (1996: 10), �Language
is the key to the heart of a people. If we lose the
key, we lose the people. A lost language is a lost tribe, a lost
tribe is
a lost culture, a lost culture is a lost civilization. A lost
civilization is invaluable knowledge lost� the whole vast archives of
knowledge
and experience in them will be consigned to oblivion�
Contrary
to what some people think, indigenous languages have no adverse effect
on the
economic development variables. On the contrary, the promotion of
indigenous
languages has positive impact on some of the development variables such
as
education, books production, health, human dignity, etc. Economic
development
has adversely affected many indigenous languages including Urhobo
language. In fact, Urhobo language is
classified among those at the risk of
extinction. An increasing percentage of young Urhobo
people at home and in the Diaspora are unable to speak the language. If
the
current trend continues, the language is likely to disappear as early
as within
the next two generations. Today, Urhobo language is not taught or
widely spoken
in most schools in Urhoboland.
Studies in the US
have shown that children who learn in their mother tongues for the
first six
years of school perform much better than those immediately immersed in
other
English and there is reason to believe that the process of learning
follows the
same pattern in other countries including Nigeria. Thus, there is a strong case for
promoting
the use of Urhobo language for instruction at the primary levels in
Urhobo
villages and towns, especially in communities that are predominantly
inhabited
by Urhobo people. In fact, UNESCO has recommended that multicultural
societies
like Nigeria should adopt 3 �official� languages, viz.: a) one
international
language (English in the case of Nigeria); b) one lingua franca � a
local link
language that facilitates communication between different linguistic
groups in
an area such as Swahili in East Africa or Hausa in Northern Nigeria;
and c)
mother tongue � when it is neither the lingua franca nor international
language, e.g. Urhobo language in Urhoboland. Countries are required to
recognize all three as official languages or at least recognize their
use and
relevance in different circumstances, such as in court or schools.
There are
many versions of the 3-language formulas, depending on the country.
Now is the time to revive Urhobo
language and
save
it from extinction. Examples abound in various parts of the world where
people
have taken concrete actions to save their language from the threat of
extinct.
The present generation must ensure that Nigeria�s National policy
on
Education as it relates to local languages is fully implemented in
Urhoboland.
In addition, Urhobo language should be taught at both the secondary and
tertiary levels. We also have to promote literature in Urhobo language.
6.2 Arts &
Crafts
Like language, arts and crafts
positively
impact on
the economic development of an area or a people, particularly as a
source of
employment and income generation. Apart from the work of some prominent
Urhobo
artists such as Bruce Onobrakpeya, much of Urhobo arts and crafts are
still
seen as �exotic�, �primitive� and , sometimes, frightful and
unappealing to
non-Urhobos, especially outside Nigeria. Many European who admire some
of our
works of art seem to do so out of �curiosity�. Compared to the works of
arts of
the Bins, Urhobo arts are far less competitive in the market place.
Clearly, we
can modernize our arts and crafts but better use of �technology�, more
durable
materials and training of our local artists.
6.4
Clothing and Dress
Culture
Much of what is today regarded as Urhobo
clothing
and dress culture can be traced to the early Atlantic trade between the
Portuguese and Niger Delta nations in the 15th and 16th
centuries.
Even today, �everyday dressing uses items
of clothing that are imported from Holland
and England
especially. Ceremonial dressing has also become dependent on
importation of
embroidered cloths that are manufactured in England,
Holland, and increasingly in India�.
Despite the above facts, the Urhobo people have their own unique
clothing and
mode of dressing most of which they share with their neighbors -Isoko,
Ukwani,
Itsekiri and Ijaw neighbors- and which are very different from those of
the
countries from where they import the materials.
It can be argued that in general, Urhobo dress culture does not
negatively impact of economic development other than the fact that
absence of
local textile industry means that Urhobo people spend considerable
amount of
their money on importing clothing materials (to make Urhobo dress) from
elsewhere in Nigeria and overseas. Furthermore, some forms of Urhobo
traditional
dressing (wrapper) are not quite conducive for modern industrial and
office
work. However, there is need to develop local textile industries and
sustain
traditional Urhobo clothing and dress culture, at least for
non-industrial and
office work and for ceremonial purposes.
6.5
Burial Ceremonies
Modern economic development is gradually
changing
traditional Urhobo burial ceremonies
Before the mid 1960s, there were two stages of Urhobo burial
rites. In
the
stage, the body of the deceased is laid in coffin and buried in a grave
dug by
the family. If the person died in the morning or early afternoon, the
first
burial takes place on the first day of the death, usually in the
evening, but
if the person died in the evening, it is buried the next day. People
were
usually not buried at night. The second burial takes place at a much
later date
and it is largely a celebration and it is without the body which had
earlier
been buried during the first stage. However, with the advent of
improved
transportation, refrigeration, embalming and other modern mortuary
services,
bodies of the dead and now preserved for months and the first burials
are now
delayed or merged with the second burial. In effect, we now have only
one
burial ceremony in much of Urhoboland which is largely celebratory and
devoid
of the somberness and wailing that characterized the first burials of
the
�olden days�. Furthermore while it was traditional to bury people in
the home
(except those who did not have children), increasingly most people are
buried outside
at home in mini �mausoleums�. Burial ceremonies have also become very
expensive
and occasions for display of wealth or achievements. There is need to
study the
impact of these shifts on development in Urhoboland, e.g. how does it
affect
savings, investment, production, health, etc.
One can only guess that on average, these shifts have encouraged
ostentation consumption. On the other hand, it has increased the
funeral
business (mortuary services, entertainment, etc) which has some
employment and
income-generating benefits. But these benefits must be weighed against
other
social costs. Many people would argue that we should return to the
two-stage
burial of �olden� days but such arguments will become more compelling
if they
are supported by empirical studies. Also, others will argue and suggest
that
Urhobo people need to cultivate the (modern?) culture of burying the
dead in
well-maintained cemeteries as opposed to burying people at home or near
home. In fact, it has been argued that
burying the dead at home poses health hazards because of the low water
level in
much of Urhoboland and the fact that the major sources of water are
shallow
wells and boreholes located at homes, usually not far from the graves
of the
dead. In this regard, there is need for the various local government
councils
to set up beautiful and well-maintained cemeteries. Even churches can
be
encouraged to do so. There is also the need to establish Urhobo
national
cemeteries where notable Urhobo people can be buried.
6.6
Political Culture
Traditionally, most Urhobo societies
practice
gerontocracy, i.e. �government by elders�, based on age-grade system.Generally,
the men are organized into 4 age grades, viz: Ekpako
(from about 60 years and above), Ivwraghwa
(from about 30 to 60 years), Otuorere
(from about 50 years to 30years) and Imitete
(from about 5 years to 15 years); the women are organized into 3 age grades, viz: Ekwokweya
(women passed child-bearing age, i.e. from about 50 years
and above), Eghweya (married women in
the child-bearing age, i.e. from about 15 to 50), and Emete
(unmarried girls, usually below 15 years). The
Ekpako
(i.e. elderly men) are usually in charge of the government of their
society and
they govern under their unwritten laws. They are also the custodians of
the
culture of the people. On the other hand, the Ivwraghwa
(i.e. adult men) were the warriors during the
pre-colonial times; they engaged in production, supervised the younger
age-grades and execute/enforce orders of the village/town/state
councils and courts.
The Otuorere (the young men or youth)
helped in defending the society and do heavy (public) work such as
clearing of
bushes, building of wooden bridges and earth roads. The Imitete
(young boys) help to keep the village clean and are send on
errands. There was a similar division of labor for the women folk. Thus, it was largely age that determined
political leadership. In some Urhobo societies, however, gerontocracy
was
combined with plutocracy, i.e. government by the rich and the wealthy
(e.g.
Agbarho and Olomu with the plutocrats
given titles such as Osuivie of Agbarho and
Ohworode (the
�big man�) of Olomu. In such
gerontocratic-plutocractic societies, political leadership was
entrusted on the
�elderly rich�. Of course, traditional Urhobo societies were not
democratic in
the sense that leadership position was not decided by general election.
Political developments in Urhoboland
since
colonial
times and post Nigeria�s
independence have brought about significant changes in the traditional
political
system described above. In particular, �democratic governance� based on
elections and money politics has led to the denudation of gerontocracy
and
triumph of plutocracy cum �militancy�. Increasingly, it is the rich and
most
militant individuals who capture political power in Urhobo land. Thus,
the �Iwraghawa� and �Otuorere� are
increasingly displacing the Ekpakos. It can be argued
that some of the consequences of this
trend include growing disrespect for elders, growing militancy and
thuggery in
politics, growing corruption (as the young men want to make more money
to last
them for the rest of their lives), poor governance caused by lack of
political
and management experience by some of the �young� political leaders. In
fact,
politics has become the �booming industry� in Urhoboland with many
young men
(including badly needed professionals) abandoning productive work for
politics
because of its �spoils�. Clearly, there
is need for detailed study of the shift in political leadership on
socio-economic development of the area and vice versa. One of the
likely
recommendations of such a study could be the setting of higher age
limits (and
experience requirements) for certain political leadership positions in
Urhoboland and the rest of Nigeria.
Another aspect of Urhobo political culture
what studying is the multiplicity of kings (Ivies)
and kingdoms and its impact on development vis-�-vis a situation of
having one
or a few kings.
5.
Conceptual Framework for
Empirical Analysis
In the above section we have discussed the
relationship
between some elements of Urhobo culture and development heuristically
and in
broad terms, not based on hard facts or data. Given the advances in
social
research, it is now possible to quantify some of the relationships and
come up
with definitive positions. Thus, in this section, I will present a
conceptual
framework for empirical analysis of the relationship between culture
and
economic development in Urhoboland. This framework is based on the
following
steps:
a) The first step in the analysis is to
identify the key
components or elements of culture and those of economic development. We
shall
call each of these elements a �variable�. We will use Ci ( i = 1, ..n)
to
denote �culture� variables and Ei ( i
=1..n) to denote the development variables. For example, Ci can
language,
dance, arts, crafts, music, burial ceremonies, female circumcision,
etc. On the
other hand, Ei can denote production, productivity, consumption,
investment,
education, health, gender equity, human dignity, etc. Some of these
�variables�
are in fact �composite� variables and may not be measurable directly.
b) The second step is to develop two
�Impact
Matrices�
for C and E. The first matrix will have the Ci�s as the �impacting or
determining� variables and Ei�s as the �impacted or determined�
variables. In
the second table, the roles will be reversed. We will assume
�bi-causality�
between the Ci�s and the Ei�s. Using any non-quantitative approach
(e.g. the Delphi method), we can
�guess� the direction and strength
of the relationship between the Ci�s and the Ei�s. We can assume two
strengths
� strong (S) and weak (W) - and two directions � positive (P) and
negative (N).
In some cases, no relationship may exist (O) or the relationship may be
ambiguous (A) or simply indeterminate (I). Thus we can populate the
impact
matrix with the symbols SP (strong positive), WP (weak positive), SN
(strong
negative). WN (weak negative), O (none), I (indeterminate) and A (ambiguous). The
following table is an example of such an
impact matrix
Table
1: Impact Matrix
(C = Determining Variable, E
=Determined Variable)
|
|
Economic
Development Variables
|
|
Cultural Variables
|
Production/
Productivity
|
Consumption
|
Investment
|
Education
|
Health
|
Human Dignity
|
Freedom to Choose
|
|
Urhobo Language
|
WP
|
IN
|
I
|
WP
|
O
|
O
|
WP
|
|
Arts &Crafts
|
WP
|
WP
|
WP
|
WP
|
O
|
WP
|
WP
|
|
Music
|
WP
|
WP
|
WP
|
WP
|
O
|
WP
|
WP
|
|
Clothing & Dress Culture
|
WP
|
WP
|
WN
|
O
|
O
|
WP
|
WP
|
|
Burial Ceremonies
|
SN
|
SN
|
SN
|
O
|
SN
|
WP
|
WP
|
|
Political Culture (gerentocracy-plutocracy)
|
SP
|
WP
|
WP
|
WP
|
O
|
SP
|
WP
|
|
Marriage Ceremonies
|
WN
|
SP
|
SN
|
I
|
SN
|
WN
|
WN
|
|
Festivals
|
WP
|
WP
|
WN
|
I
|
WN
|
WP
|
WP
|
|
Region & Beliefs
|
WN
|
WP
|
WN
|
WN
|
WN
|
I
|
I
|
(Note:
The above entries are tentative and subject to change based on more
rigorous
reasoning and analysis)
c) The third step is to carry out
quantitative
analysis of the relationship between the sets of the cultural variables
Ci�s
and the economic development variables Ei�s. Depending of the available
data,
the types of analysis could include correction analysis, analysis of
variance
or covariance, regression analysis, econometric modeling, etc, using
time
series, survey, cross-sectional or longitudinal data, where available
and as
appropriate. For instance, we can analyze the impact of Urhobo clothing
and
dress code on production, consumption and investment or we can analyze
the
impact of education on Urhobo music, clothing, female circumcision,
beliefs,
etc.
Two key challenges at this stage are: a)
measurement
of the variables; and b) obtaining data for the variables. Measuring
the
relationship requires that the variables must be measurable. For
instance, how
can we measure �Urhobo music� or �dance� or �marriage� or �education�,
�health�. To overcome the measurement problems, it may necessary to
design
�proxy� variables. Even where it is possible to design proxy variables,
it is
also be necessary to obtain data for the variables in order to carry
out the
analysis. The other challenge is how to
obtain time-series, cross-sectional or longitudinal data for the
analysis.
Since there has not been systematic collection of data on cultural and
economic
development variables in Urhoboland, researchers must design their own
survey
instruments to generate the required data. This will be a tough task
requiring
time and substantial resources but it can be done.
Assuming that the variables are
measurable,
we can quantify
relationship between an economic variable Ei and another cultural
variable Ci
by estimating the following function:
Ei = f (Ci, C,
E, U)
Where C
is a vector of other cultural variables, E is the vector of other
economic
variable, and U is a vector of other determinants of Ei and stochastic
term
representing omitted variables and measurement error.
The challenge therefore is to assemble
data
on the
above variables and apply the appropriate estimation technique is
measuring the
relationships.
d)
The fourth step is to analyze the policy implications of the results of
2
and/or 3 above, and make recommendations that will:
i)
ensure
that the variable Ci does not have negative impact (or has
positive impact) of any Ei ;
ii)
ensure
that the variable Ei does not have negative impact (or has
positive impact) of any Ci.
e)
The fifth stage is to ensure the implementation of the recommendations
made in
stage 4.
7. Conclusions
and Recommendations
The objective of this paper has been to
stimulate
interest in the study of the complex relationship between culture and
development in Urhoboland with the hope that this will help to provide
the
needed theoretical and empirical bases to fight the endangerment or
gradual
extinction of Urhobo culture. I have maintained that many aspects of
Urhobo
culture and modern development are compatible and can be mutually
re-enforcing,
but we need more detailed �on-the-ground� studies and surveys to back
this
hypothesis. Whilst such studies are being carried out, we also need to
take the
following concrete actions to sustain and enhance and Urhobo culture.
7.1
Promoting �Continuity and Change�
Culture is dynamic but the tendency has
been
to view
it as static. In a globalizing and modernizing world, we cannot afford
to
continue view culture as static. We have to modernize certain aspects
of our
culture to attract national and international appeal. These could
include
Urhobo music, art and craft, dressing code, etc.
7.2 Support
for the proposed Urhobo
Cultural Center
I congratulate the Urhobo Progressive
Union
(UPU)
for the launching the Urhobo Cultural Center (UCC) and I wish to call
on all
Urhobo sons and daughters at home and in the Diaspora, as well as all
Urhobo
well-wishers to support the project. Although I have not seen the
details of
the plan, it is my hope that it will be developed in such a way that it
will be
self-supporting and sustainable, and support/contribute to the economic
development of Urhoboland. In particular, I hope it will draw from the
experiences of similar successful centers/institutions elsewhere in the
world.
In particular, it is my dream that it will be developed into a mini
�Smithsonian Institution�
For this to happen, its location and management must be given
serious
consideration.
7.3
Establishment of an Endowed Chair or Institute of Urhobo
Studies at
DELSU
I also wish to call on the UPU, other
social
organizations in Urhoboland as well as wealthy individuals to work
together to
establish an Endowed Chair or, preferably, an Institute
of Urhobo Studies at the Delta State University,
Abraka. Although the Institute will be
physically
located in the university, it should be funded privately and managed
autonomously. The first Professor of Urhobo Studies should be appointed
to run
the Institute, which will engage other researchers. The Institute
should among
other things do the following: a)
promote and conduct research into various areas of Urhobo history,
culture and
development; b) set up a library and documentation resource center on
Urhobo
issues; b) set up a small Urhobo museum; c) encourage and supervise final year and postgraduate students
undertaking research projects in various aspects of Urhobo studies; d)
conduct postgraduate degrees and
certificates in Urhobo studies; e)
provide intellectual support to the Urhobo Cultural Center and work
closely
with it; and f) apply for grants from donors to support research and
development activities in Urhoboland. I think the Institute/Chair can
easily be
established with a seed grant of about N20m which can take it through
its first
three years whilst it establishes mechanisms for self-sustenance.
7.4 Promoting
Cultural Tourism
There is a serious lack of cultural
tourist
attractions in Urhoboland. Thus there is a need to identify and develop
such
attractions. To this end, Urhobo sociologists, anthropologist,
archeologists
and historians must work together to identify such attractions, some of
which
may have been lost to antiquity. It is a shame that out of the 816
�world
heritage sites/properties� identified by UNESCO
only two are in Nigeria,
viz.: the relatively unknown Sukur Cultural Landscape in the Mandara Mountains
in Adamawa State
approved in 1999, and the Osun-Oshogbo Sacred Grove in Osun State,
approved in 2005.
7.5
Recognition, Promotion and Support of Urhobo Cultural Icons
We need to recognize and support
intellectuals,
artists and other people who have promoted Urhobo culture in their
works, such
as Tanure Ojaide, Bruce Onobrakeya, Ben Omokri, Perkin Foss, �Okpan�,
Omokomoko, etc. Monuments or statues of some of these people should be
erected
at public places such as road junctions, schools, market places, local
government headquarters, etc throughout Urhoboland. Imagine what a
boost it
would be if we could have an Urhobo Nobel Prize Winner in literature.
We know
the significant contributions of people like William Shakespeare,
Mozart,
Chopin, etc have made to the propagation their cultures. The economic
spin-offs
of their works continue to multiply.